Annotations for Subject-headings: Employment

This is news from Latino USA. I'm María Martin. Hearings have begun on the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico. While concurrently in Washington, Latino leaders held a national Latino seminar on NAFTA. Andres Jimenez of the University of California at Berkeley says this is the first time Latino organizations attempt to formulate a common strategy on a major national question because of NAFTA's far-reaching impact on US Latinos.

The impact of job displacement, environmental concerns, and not just protection of spotted owls, but protection of water in the air where people live along the border.

Latino organizations, including the National Council of La Raza, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, and the Puerto Rican Institute for Policy Studies have signed on to a Latino consensus position on NAFTA, which calls for parallel agreements on immigration, job retraining, the environment, and for a North American Development Bank. Other organizations, including the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, accept NAFTA as negotiated.

A report by the US Civil Rights Commission says Latinos in the nation's capital suffered discrimination in social services, jobs, and from the police. Pedro Avilés is the executive director of the DC Civil Rights Task Force.

What the US Civil Rights Commission does is that it substantiates what we've been saying. Now we have a report from a federal agency that is basically saying the District of Columbia government is guilty of mistreating Latinos.

The Civil Rights Commission says conditions which led to three days of riots two years ago in Washington's Mount Pleasant District also exist in other US cities. The report recommends DC Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly begin outreach to the Latino community. You're listening to Latino USA.

Latinos make up less than 1% of top officials among the nation's Fortune 500 companies. According to a study by the Hispanic Association on Corporate Responsibility, only 62 of the nation's top firms employ any Latinos as executive officers or board members. The association advises corporate America to be more sensitive to the nation's 23 million Hispanics whose annual spending power is estimated at 188 billion. María Martin, you're listening to Latino USA.

In Los Angeles, the Latino community suffered heavily and has still not recovered from the effects of the disturbances of April of last year. Latinos are half of those who live in the areas most affected by the disturbances. A third of those who lost their lives in the violence were Latino. Hispanic men made up more than half of those arrested and 40% of the businesses damaged in the riots were Latino owned. Reporter Alberto Aguilar recently visited one of the hardest hit Latino neighborhoods in South Central Los Angeles. He prepared this report.

[Faint voice in the background]

Very little has changed in Pico-Union, west of downtown Los Angeles in the last year, since hundreds of small and large businesses were looted. Here at the swap meet, the radio may be playing happy rhythms, but to the residents of the mostly Latino neighborhood, the road to recovery has been anything but happy.

Nosotros perdimos todos los negocios que teníamos. Teníamos tres negocios en la Union y todo fue perdido…[transition to English dub] We lost all our business. We have three little shops here and everything was lost, and we haven't really been able to recover anything.

María Elena Mejia sold children's clothes at the swap meet. The single mother of two teenage girls lost her life savings when the old theater, that housed dozens of swap meet stalls, was set on fire.

Lo que a nosotros nos ayudaron de parte del gobierno de la ciudad solamente fueron tres meses de renta. Lo que nos quedó a nosotros de eso solo fueron como… [transition to English dub] What the city government helped out with was three months’ rent, and after that, all we had left of our investment of five years was something like 14 or 10 dollars. I don't even remember now. We suffered so much because you know, being without work in this country is hard, and we were left without work and without anything… [transition to original audio] trabajo, porque nos habíamos quedado sin trabajo y sin nada.

This was a gift by a student, but it's called The Day that Los Angeles Cried, and you have an angel trying to turn off the fires and slow down the riots and above the Angel…

Mike Hernandez is a member of the city council. His district includes Pico-Union, the area hardest hit by the riots of '92.

Pico and Alvarado, for example… it’s one corner where we had the four corners demolished by fire. And so, in terms of intensity, it was the hardest hit area in the city.

What has happened since then? And a lot of people are now saying that perhaps the City does not have the leadership to bring the city of Los Angeles to where most people want it to go?

I think if you talk about community leaders, if you talk about the organization leadership, they very much want to bring the city together and start improving. If you talk about the political leadership, I think the political leadership hasn't displayed that well. They're out of touch with what's really going on in the city. See, the city of Los Angeles is not just the buildings. A lot of the buildings destroyed were empty. What the city of Los Angeles is, it's people from all over the world, and what we got away from is building people.

The building involves encouraging people to become citizens. Hernandez estimates this process can take as long as 10 to 15 years. He also says the City has to improve the educational level of city residents.

Over the age of 25, we have 2.1 million people. 900,000 cannot claim a high school diploma, and of the 900,000; 600,000 cannot claim a ninth-grade education. So that's 150% of the entire student body of the LA Unified School District. So, we have a tremendous amount of building of people to do.

[Transitional sounds]

Those who work with the residents of Pico-Union agree with Hernandez about the work that remains undone.

We're seeing families with multitude of problems… economic, social, relationship problems…

Sandra Cuevas works with battered Central American women in South Central Los Angeles. She has seen a decrease in the social services available to people in the area's hardest hit by the destruction. Despite all the publicized good intentions, little action and little resources are being allocated to the solution of the root causes of poverty and unemployment.

There seems to have been a lot of lip service. Little committees forming coalitions, but when you look at Rebuild LA, you have people that are coming from outside the community, very removed from the reality of Los Angeles and particularly of South Central and Pico-Union, that have excluded Latinos, by and large.

Cuevas is not the only Angelino critical of Mayor Tom Bradley's effort to bring back the city from massive destruction. His Rebuild LA has been described as a misguided effort to create job opportunities according to county supervisor Gloria Molina.

Very frankly, I don't want to be critical. I think they're doing their own thing, but I think that the mayor missed the boat in the beginning. I think he could have called many of us together to sort things out because it isn't just in South Central, it's throughout the community. And it isn't just a corporate effort and isn't about giving. It's about putting together a lot of institutions that have been unjust to minority segments of our community. And it isn't going to happen by a corporation coming together and putting together programs. It's about making the system much more responsive to the needs of people in this community.

I’m a member of the board, but it's hard among 80 people. A lot of those are corporate people and I’m… I guess, the only immigrant, it's really hard sometimes.

Carlos Vaquerano is one of a handful of Latinos on Rebuild LA's board.

We need to not only to rebuild LA physically, but to rebuild the soul of the city, the soul of people here. We need to make changes in terms of our morality, political changes, because that's one of the main issues in the city. Not only the city, but in the country.

[Transitional sounds]

Police helicopters assist uniformed officers on the ground in the search for gang members in the Pico-Union district. Longtime resident, Raúl González has been in this blue-collar neighborhood for 20 years.

It's kind of scary going out lately. Plus what you hear on the news and people… after the rioters start getting guns and bigger guns and you know what's going to happen in the street. Now you have to carry your own gun for protection… and you have to be careful lately…you know. And it's terrible, it is terrible because we are not supposed to be like this.

Um…but if everybody's armed and everybody's afraid…um…. what are you going to do?

Well, you know…to tell you the truth, if you're carrying a weapon, you have to know how to use it and when to take it out.

In Los Angeles, I'm Alberto Aguilar, reporting for Latino USA.

[Transitional Music]

May I present Gloria Romero: She played a vital role in the police reform movement in Los Angeles in the wake of the Rodney King beating. The title of her talk is Todavia Ando Sangrando: A Chicana's Perspective on the Fires This Time…Gloria.

[Clapping sounds]

April 29th, 1992, less than three hours after the verdicts were released, I stood at the intersection of Adams and Hobart in South Central LA. In reality, I stood at much more than the intersection of Adams and Hobart. I stood at but one of many intersections of race, class, and gender in America. Breathing in all I saw, even as light dimmed on America, the reaction in my guts at the intersection of life in America in the shadow of lies of an afterlife as light faded out on America, felt like the full velocity of the bricks hurled through the pane of that liquor store, which on an hourly basis, markets pain to Black and brown men and women in south central LA. Addiction, alcoholism, unemployment, a 50% dropout rate, incarceration, but a chance to win the lotto.

We stood at the intersection on April 29th in an America that has bled for too long, from too many unjust verdicts that Simi Valley merely symbolized, any one of which could have sparked fires at any intersection in America. And I believe a riot takes place on a day-to-day basis in LA, but nobody notices. Todavia ando sangrando, even as our trial continues.

This is Latino USA, a radio journal of news and culture. I'm María Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA: two years after the Mount Pleasant riots in the nation's capital.

Overnight, Latinos were an issue in Washington DC.

Where US Latinos stand on the Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico.

The jobs that are expected to be lost are the low-skilled, low-paying jobs that so many Latinos in this country hold.

Also, Afro-Cuban jazz pioneer, Mario Bauzá, and some thoughts on what's really important.

Here on top of the earth, we have everything a man can need. What more can one ask for?

All this here on Latino USA, but first: las noticias.

I'm María Hinojosa. Trade talks are now underway regarding the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico. NAFTA perhaps, as no other US economic initiative, will have a significant impact on US Latinos. With us to speak about the future of the controversial free trade agreement are three journalists who cover Washington DC politics: Sandra Marquez of the Hispanic Link News Service; freelance journalist, Zita Arocha; and José Carreño, DC Bureau chief for the Mexican daily, El Universal.

The biggest misperception in this whole thing is that even if NAFTA is a new document, in a way, it is something that is already happening at the border, as well, the people who's in Texas and California can say. Now what is going to happen? I think that there will be a lot of pressures on Mexico and the United States mostly in the environment and labor problems. Congressman Gephardt and a number of other Democratic freshmen went to Tijuana to take a look at the ecological situation there. They came out saying, "No way that way. At least the actual treaty has to be upgraded." We'll see a lot of the arguments in the next few months about it.

In fact, we've seen a lot of arguments already. Sandra, how much has the debate over NAFTA divided the Latino community in particular?

I think there's tremendous division among US Latinos on the issue of NAFTA because primarily, the jobs that are expected to be lost as a result of this agreement are the low-skilled, low-paying jobs that so many Latinos in this country hold. So, there is concern that the jobs that Latinos have are going to be exported to Mexico, but at the same time, Latinos realize that they have this intrinsic link with their Mexican kin across the border. And so, they realize there's tremendous potential that because of Latinos' bicultural skills that they can really tap into this and benefit more so than other Americans in this country.

The Latino population is also divided in terms of convenience. For instance, in Texas, there is a lot of people who's in favor of NAFTA because most of the import-export businesses are going through Texas and of course, they're getting a boost out of it. But in California, for instance, where there is a lot of Latinos in this low end of the industry, they're having a lot of problems, a lot of hesitations about it. So, I think that it is also related a lot with where are the jobs.

I think the Mexican government has realized that US Latinos can be very good promoters of this plan. And they have started a NAFIN fund, a $20 million fund for US Latino business leaders to create joint ventures with business partners in Mexico. And US Hispanic chambers of commerce here in this country have also been leading in terms of creating these trade partnerships and expose and taking people from the United States to Mexico and really helping to create these links.

There's another benefit to Latinos and I think Latinos are beginning to see this, that if the agreement leads in less immigration from Mexico to the United States…from Latin America in general to the United States, then those low-end jobs will not be taken away as easily as they would be if we continue to see hundreds of thousands of people coming across the border every year. There is some resistance on the part of some Latinos for fear that a lot of the low-end jobs will go to Mexico, but at the same time, there is also a realization that there will be benefits long term that will come from fewer immigrants coming over and you know, taking US jobs at the low end.

Thank you very much, Sandra Marquez, Zita Arocha, and José Carreño for joining us here on Latino USA.

President Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton have begun presenting their proposals to Congress about how to revamp the American healthcare system. The idea is that in the future, all Americans working or not will be covered by some kind of healthcare, but what about Latinos in this country, citizens or not? Wilma Montañez is a longtime national healthcare activist. She's currently the director of the Latina Round Table on Health and Reproductive Health in New York City. Wilma, what is the biggest healthcare problem facing Latinos, and will the Clinton plan help out?

There is a situation that in many of the Latino communities, we don't have access to healthcare, period. It's just not there. It's not in our communities. The infrastructure has not been put in place. The few community-based clinics that maybe were there may have been defunded through the years or have not really kept up with the needs of the community. So that's number one…is access to healthcare. And then, we are concerned about access for everyone…undocumented. Will it take care of the needs of specific reproductive health needs for women? Will it cover contraceptive services? Will it cover prevention? Will it cover abortion services?

Well, will it cover any of those things? Let's take, for example, the question of undocumented immigrants, many of whom are Latinos. Does the Clinton healthcare plan do anything to address their needs, or are they simply forgotten?

There is a lot of emphasis on connecting this healthcare reform to jobs, which is wonderful if it means that everybody in the United States is going to be working, but we know that, one: we do have a high percentage of people who are unemployed, in particular in the Latino communities of the country. Also that if it's related to a job, will all jobs feel this obligation to really provide healthcare insurance? Many of the jobs where you do find undocumented workers, they're the type of jobs that usually fall through the cracks. They're the kind of jobs that nobody ever thinks about and nobody ever wants to recognize, and we're concerned that then, the folks working in those types of jobs still will be uncovered.

How much, in fact, were Latino healthcare activists included in the process?

I think it has been minimal. I don't think it has been a concerted effort, using many people in the community, using a variety of people on different levels. I think when you're talking about providing healthcare, you can't just talk to the policymakers. You have to talk to some direct service providers, to policymakers, even folks in the medical schools that provide the folks who are going to be working in the communities. Because I think what's…what’s happening is that there is this healthcare reform that's being established, which is very much middle-class oriented. When you're working with folks who have not had access to quality care forever or if they ever had it in this country, then you're talking about people who may not know how to maneuver themselves through that type of healthcare system that’s been…you know, that they're talking about. So I think that's more the issue. And ignorance, I think there is ignorance. I think that people really don't understand how different it is when you have no access to healthcare, that it is difficult to make your way through appointments and through large clinics and just finding an [unintelligible] provider.

Thank you very much. Wilma Montañez is the director of the Latina Roundtable on Health and Reproductive Health in New York City.

They came by the thousands to the 40-acre ranch near Delano to pay their respects to the man who had fought an entire lifetime to give dignity and more opportunity to those who picked the food on America's tables. César Chávez, founder of the United Farm Workers Union, the first successful attempt to organize agricultural workers in this country, died April 23 at age 66. In Delano, the mass procession behind Chávez's simple pine coffin was at times over two miles long, as everyone, from farmworkers to the famous, came to pay their respects.

We shall miss…we shall miss César's powerful voice. His life and its example call each of us to a higher purpose, to greater resolve, to right the wrongs, to correct the injustices that continue to plague our communities, whether it's urban or rural, industrial or agricultural. It is an honor to remember his valiant life and to recommit myself and that of my colleagues as we go forward to try to bring for our children and our children's children the vision and the dream that we share. Entonces, con su permiso…hablo poquito en Español.

[Crowd cheering]

César Chávez es mi hermano, mi amigo, mi compañero. ¡Viva la raza! ¡Viva la causa! ¡Viva César Chávez!

[Crowd cheering]

A proclamation by the President of the United States of America upon the death of César Chávez. "César Chávez came from the humbled yet proud beginnings of a migrant worker to lead those same workers in a movement that irreversibly shaped our nation and brought justice and dignity to thousands. After the Depression ..."

In 1965, I believe, or '66, we marched with César here in Delano. On the efforts to do something about publicizing the boycott and the plight of farmworkers.

He moved us in a way that has come to be known as el movimiento y la causa.

Repeat after me. Boycott grapes! Boycott grapes! Boycott grapes!

In his loving…in his loving memory, please, boycott grapes. Make sure that our children do not have to suffer the pesticides anymore. What has happened to César will happen to all of us, and may we all be as lucky as César and be able to lay our heads down, close our eyes while reading a magazine on the Aztec nation and go to sleep and end our lives in that manner. We should all be that lucky.

¡Nosotros venceremos! ¡Nosotros venceremos ahora!

The life of César Chávez, his commitment to a cause, inspired many across the country, and as thousands gathered at the memorial service in Delano, California, Diana Martínez collected these thoughts from friends and supporters of César Chávez.

Nosotros venceremos.

Whether from a celebrity, politician, or average citizen, everyone who came to pay their respect seemed to have a story about how César Chávez touched their lives.

His life was an example to people, and millions of Hispanics and millions of Americans who will never live on a farm had their lives changed by him.

Mark Grossman first met Chávez in 1969 as a student. Grossman worked summers and vacations on the grape boycott from 40 Acres, United Farm headquarters in Delano. He learned firsthand how César was always able to get people to do a little more than what they first expected. Grossman wound up working for the union for 24 years and became his press secretary and personal aide. No one, he said, worked harder than the labor leader.

No one could tell César Chávez to slow down. The man was working 20-hour days, traveling constantly. I can't count the number of times that I'd meet him at his yard…you know, at 3 o’ clock in the morning, because…at La Paz near Bakersfield, because we had to be in Sacramento or San Francisco at 11:00, and we'd spend a full day of appearances and rallies and news conferences and protests or negotiations and be back dropping him off at 3 o’ clock the next morning.

Before becoming a politician, California State Senator Art Torres also worked for the UFW. As a young man, he was inspired by his unbending principles.

I remember, one time, we were driving from…Thermal, California in 1973 and the two dogs were in the back, Boycott and Huelga, and we stopped at a gas station…and we had just come from a rally. We had collected all this money, and I said, "Well, brother, we need to pay the gas bill." He says, "You're not going to touch that money until it's accounted for, back at La Paz." I said, "But we have no money to pay for the gas." "Then you go out there and you find the money from somebody else, but you're not going to touch that money because that has to be accounted for. It's the workers' money."

Senator Robert Kennedy, Jr., says his family became more aware of the power of the Latino vote because of Chávez.

I remember in the 1980 campaign when he came to Arizona, which he didn't have to do, during a primary, when Senator Kennedy was already in bad shape in the election, but he produced hundreds of lowriders who came with him because they were devoted to him to get out the vote for us on primary election day. He went into the field, sent organizers, had them register actually in the field, and we won the state of Arizona just because of César.

My first job that César gave me when we came to Delano was to go get the money from the workers at $3.50.

Dolores Huerta was with Chávez from the very beginning. She said he always knew gaining rights for farmworkers would mean tremendous sacrifice.

I went back to César, and I said, "César, they can't afford that much money." And he said, "If they don't give that $3.50, they will never get out of their poverty.”

Father William Wood, president of the National Catholic World Life Conference, and the Reverend Jesse Jackson, say Chávez will never be forgotten.

Because of our common faith, and especially with what I see here tonight, with the face of the people, I see that that it's really true when they say "Viva César Chávez." He really does live.

Chávez was a seed sower. He planted seeds of dignity, and those seeds will keep sprouting in the heart of people. As long as farmworkers fight for a decent wage, Chávez lives. As long as they fight against the horrors of the insecticides, Chávez lives. As long as they fight for the right to vote, Chávez lives. As long as they fight to build coalition, Chávez lives.

For Latino USA, I'm Diana Martínez.

When he died, César Chávez vacated the post he had held for over 20 years as president of the United Farm Workers. Towards the end of his tenure, though, the organization was faced with much criticism over the handling of the last grape boycott and a decreasing membership of farmworkers. In naming a new president, the UFW could have chosen Dolores Huerta, the co-founder of the organization. She said it would've been symbolic but, in fact, that the Farm Workers Union needed to move forward. So last week, the torch was passed to the younger generation. Arturo Rodríguez, Chávez's son-in-law is the new UFW president. The future of the UFW was on the minds of many who gathered at the memorial service for the longtime union leader. From Delano, Alberto Aguilar reports.

[Transitional corrido music]

This retired farmworker brought his accordion to Delano to remember César Chávez. Old-timers like him have been through a lot in the last 30 years, ever since César Chávez began organizing in the fields. The corridos tell the story of the struggle to improve the lot of the most impoverished of American workers. With the passing of their leader, unionized farmworkers now turn their heads to the future. While some may say these are unsettled times for the UFW, others see it as a rebirth. Organizer Humberto Gómez said Chávez's crusade won battles on the strength of our conviction of justice in the fields and that justice is still worth fighting for.

See, what happened is, like César used to say, the UFW is not only a union; it's a social movement. We belong to the community, and the community belongs to us. So we are part of the community, and that way, we will never die. You know, it is like me…you know, I start when I was 15 years old. I got my family here marching with me, and then more farmworker kids are going to be coming, and they're going to be getting involved in this. So we will never be shrinking, we will never die because this is a good movement. This is the best movement.

Another UFW organizer says he's not concerned at the passing of Chávez or the death of the union. Bobby de la Cruz, whose father was killed in an early union-organizing drive, said Chávez prepared them for his departure.

When I went and seen his coffin, you could see his face. I mean, he died peacefully, but you could tell that the work that he wants us to do is there. And he knows that, and we know, that the commitment is even stronger now. And I think this summer, you'll see the fruit of his labor really producing because it has inspired us to say that the union is alive, the leadership that it has. I mean, we come from that school. We've been at it for 20…25 years, and we're young, we're moving ahead and moving the movement forward to where he wants us.

For a time in the '70s, farmworkers had political clout in California. They even got the governor Jerry Brown, Jr., to sign a landmark legislation establishing the Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But through two successive Republican administrations, the tide started to turn against the farmworkers. California political consultant, Richie Ross.

I think César came to conclusion, and I think the correct one, that this movement has to win on the strength of average people and not be dependent on politicians.

Was that evident to you, and how?

He hasn't had any serious communication with any politicians in a long time. They haven't done anything. I mean, he tried everything. He supported them. He did it with money, he did it with people. He's done it every way you're supposed to play. He played the game the way everyone says you're supposed to play the game. He played the game. He got the law passed. He continued to support them all. And when push came to shove, all that he could do was no match for the money of the agricultural interests in the state. And uhh…I think he came to the conclusion when he started the grape boycott the second time several years ago that they're going to have to do it the old-fashioned way.

The union has also been weakened by internal strife and dissension within the ranks. But in the wake of César Chávez's death, the disaffected and the estranged have come back. Like California Senator Art Torres, many are talking about a renewal of the UFW.

It's a healing process for all of us. And now we realize that we still have a lot of work to do, and I think his death gives us all a rebirth of where we have to recommit ourselves even stronger now to erase some of these injustices which continue in one of the richest states in the world.

Welcome this evening, César Chávez of the United Farm Workers of America.

[Clapping]

Very early in our struggle, we found that…we really couldn't beat the growers at their own game…in their own turf. And taking a page from…Gandhi and Dr. King and others, we came to the conclusion that we had to involve half of the world to beat the growers and that we could not do it through public policy. Workers are not covered by any protective laws for collective bargaining. And…those local courts will issue out injunctions like…they were going out of style. We were going to strike. But we also found out that they couldn’t really…although they're very powerful, that they really couldn't reach out to Chicago or Boston or even San Francisco or [unintelligible] or other places…across the border to Canada or Mexico. And that there, we could begin to have a more level playing field.

I'm talking now of public action or the boycott. It is a boycott… public action…that saved this union. It is the only way we've ever made any progress, is through the boycott. We've never won anything without the boycott. The boycott or a threat of the boycott. It's a terrible irony that in our day and our age, our country produces more food than what it really needs…yet the men, women, and children whose labor harvests this food often go to bed hungry. That's a terrible irony, and that's why we're here, and we ask you to join us, to join us to put a stop to that. Thank you very much.

[Clapping]

[Corrido music about César Chávez]

The newly appointed successor to César Chávez, Arturo Rodríguez, started as a union organizer in the '70s. The Chávez lieutenant will have to deal with difficult issues like the grape boycott, the legal challenges by the growers, and the ban on toxic pesticides in the fields. Rodríguez will need the determination and daring Chávez taught his organizers. For Latino USA, this is Alberto Aguilar, reporting from Delano, California.

Perhaps no other site on the US-Mexico border sees more complaints regarding human rights abuses than the San Diego-Tijuana region. In recent years, the number of complaints of abuses has risen as a number of anti-immigrant groups have organized to protest the number of undocumented immigrants crossing the border. Observers in California, which has lost over 800,000 jobs in the last four years, point to a growing anti-immigrant climate in the state, particularly apparent in the San Diego area.

With us to discuss some of these issues are Muriel Watson of the organization Light Up the Border, which has drawn attention to the issue of the number of immigrants crossing the border by stationing cars with their headlights turned on facing Mexico. And Roberto Martinez, director of the American Friends Service Committee San Diego office. The AFSC has documented numerous cases of human rights abuses in the area. Welcome to Latino USA, both of you.

Thank you.

Muriel, let me start out with you. Would you like to see this border area right here between San Diego and Tijuana and this area here, would you like to see it closed? What would you like to see happen with the border?

I would like to see that border secured and I would like to see good business being transported back and forth between Mexico and the United States. I'm a member of the San Jacinto Chamber of Commerce and they're constantly saying that business is good between Mexico and the United States, but the drug smuggling and the alien smuggling distorts that good business and healthy climate. And unless we secure the border... No, I don't want it closed. I want it secure. I have no objections to legal immigration. But illegal immigration hurts everybody.

Roberto.

Well, before we address illegal immigration, as a human rights office, we're more concerned right now with the increase in human rights abuses by Border Patrol. These last few weeks, we've been receiving at least three to four cases a day of people coming across the border. [interruption]

Well, that's incredible.

Let me say my piece first. [interruption] With their heads split open. Two of them required surgery for internal injuries. We have two shootings right now, one in Calexico and one in MCC Jail right now by Border Patrol. These are all unarmed civilians. This doesn't even begin to address the day-to-day insults and racial remarks that Border Patrol uses on the buses and the trains. And I say this from firsthand experience, I don't say this from third-hand. I interview these people myself. Whether they're undocumented or coming across illegally or not, there still has to be respect for human rights, and then we'll address illegal immigration.

Well, then- [interruption]

What needs to happen on the border then, Roberto?

Well, like Muriel wants the border to become secure, we want Border Patrol to adhere to the policies that are already in place. There's laws right now that call for the respect of the rights and dignity of people crossing the border within IRCA, within the law- [interruption]

How about the immigration laws that are not being respected by Mexican nationals and others from South America? Those laws need to be respected, too. You can't ask for respect for the laws on the one hand and ignore the other laws

Well, see. You have to understand, and I know this is difficult, but hunger and poverty does not understand laws.

We understand that, but what about the Mexican government's responsibility on this?

Well- [interruption]

The host country has a responsibility.

Muriel, do you believe that this country which was built by immigrants and was a country-[interruption]

Hey, there's no denying that.

Do you believe that you can in fact completely closed down any kind of undocumented immigrants coming into this country? Do you think that that's realistic and that it's possible?

Yes, it is, because we haven't been doing it for the last 20 years.

So, how is it possible?

It's possible by the will of the people. Obviously, the Gallup Polls have said they want to put an end to illegal immigration. Those people who would like to immigrate to the United States, many of them want to come to just work. We have those facilities in hand to allow them to work legally, so that they can come back and forth. All of those mechanisms need to be brought forth by the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Labor, and to do it legally. There is no reason why we as a nation have to cope with this kind of silent invasion and the abuse that goes on both sides of the border. Border patrol agents are abused too.

But to shoot 15-year-old kids for having a rock, in the back or in the stomach or whatever, you know. [interruption]

Yeah, well, the rock was the first form of execution in written history. And when you've got 15-year-old kids in a pack of 200 throwing rocks at one single Border Patrol agent, his life is in danger. I have friends who were in the helicopter that was shot down by the bandits who didn't want the helicopter flying over that international line. I have Border Patrol agents that are shot at, Border Patrol agents that are rocked. All of these kinds of abuses go on, and Congress just sort of sits back-

Nobody condones that.

At this point, you're saying, Roberto, that there's no accountability... When the Border Patrol in fact violates, as you say, unarmed civilians, there is no one who they must be accountable to?

That's not true.

This was brought out very clearly two weeks ago when they announced the introduction of this bill to create a federal civilian oversight, that there is no system of accountability, no system of complaints.

When you say that no complaints are recognized, every time there is something that goes on as far as the Border Patrol is concerned, depending on the jurisdiction, either the sheriff's investigators take over, or the FBI takes over, or the San Diego police take over.

How many agents have been prosecuted for abusing an undocumented person?

Many of them have. Internally, they have been prosecuted.

How many?

Not one has ever been- [interruption]

Well, you know, prosecution follows through-

Are you saying that no Border Patrol official has been prosecuted for their…

In the dozens of shootings that have taken place over the last 10 years, not one agent has been prosecuted for shooting or killing an undocumented or unarmed civilian. In the abuse types, maybe one or two. The last criminal prosecution was of a Border Patrol agent in El Centro earlier this year for raping and beating a 16-year-old girl. He was sentenced to 24 or 25 years in prison.

How many undocumented immigrants have been shot and killed by the Border Patrol?

Oh, I've lost track. I mean, there was 30 or 40- [interruption]

How many of many have been shot and killed by smugglers and bandits down on the border? We don't have any track of that either.

That-[interruption]

The Border Patrol is just simply a policing arm of the United States government. And like all police agencies, it's suffering the same form of criticism that every other police force in the country is facing. But it is one of the tightest, one of the firmest, one of the most obvious to the public. I mean, they work down there in a fishbowl.

Let's just end up on this point. Is there any point, Roberto and Muriel, where your opposing views can ever come together? You both live in San Diego, you both live in an area that's a border. These things are not going to change overnight. Will you continue to be as far apart as ever or is there anything that can bring together these opposing perspectives? Roberto?

I guess as long as people don't understand why people come here and the poverty that brings them here, and never promote the contributions that Mexican immigrants have made to this state, the 4 billion agribusiness that's sustained on millions of seasonal agricultural workers and just targets the negative part of it, I think we're always going to be opposed to it. But also I think my problem too is that the anti-immigrant sentiment is getting so focused on undocumented problems that I think that if we don't begin to realize that immigrants are the ones that built this country instead of focusing on the negative, I think there we're always going to be poles apart. But I think people have to accept their responsibility for the growing anti-immigrant sentiment. And I think until that is addressed, we're going to continue being on different sides of the fence.

Muriel.

Well, I think what I'm hearing from Mr. Martinez is the fact that he would like to have open borders, and I think that sort of debate has to take place on the floor of Congress. We cannot have a law and then not enforce it. We cannot expect anarchy not to be taking place at those ports of entry. I mean, it's happening in New York State, it's happening in San Francisco, happened right here in San Diego. As long as people seem to feel that they can come to this country without permission, then we're going to have constant anarchy and danger to the people involved and to the law enforcement officers who are put out there by Congress to maintain that law.

Okay, thank you very much. Muriel Watson with the organization Light Up the Border, and Roberto Martinez with the American Friends Service Committee Border Office, here in San Diego. Thank you for Latino USA.

Thank you.

Thank you.

Even now, before NAFTA's implementation, business people in Texas are actively trading with their colleagues south of the border, and if the trade agreement is going to work, it will be up to individual entrepreneurs to lead the way. It's a trail already being blazed by many Hispanic-owned businesses, such as John Montoya's. He's the president of World Dallas International, a trading services company, and for him, the rewards of the agreement are quite clear.

My own feeling, my own personal feeling is that if we work at it, that we'll be able to get a treaty that's good for the country and good for Mexico.

That's Raul Yzaguirre, president of the National Council of La Raza, commenting on the present status of the North American Free Trade Agreement. At this point, congressional approval of NAFTA is still in question. Mexico and Mexico's president, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, have a lot at stake in NAFTA's becoming a reality, as do many Hispanic entrepreneurs in this country. In Dallas, Latino business and civic leaders recently met with the Mexican president trying to counter the arguments from a certain Texas politician that NAFTA will mean major job losses. Brian Shields prepared this report.

Dallas billionaire, Ross Perot is spending millions of dollars to go on national television to stir up opposition to NAFTA, but members of the Dallas Hispanic Chamber believe the treaty will be beneficial for their businesses. During a recent visit to Dallas, Mexican president, Carlos Salinas, asserted there's no time to waste.

I have been asked, "Why NAFTA?" Because this is the only way how we will be able to compete in the world in which we live. "Why now?" Because we are late, late when other regions in the world are getting together to increase the efficiency and competitive capacity.

To my business, it would probably help it tremendously. I've been in business now for 12 years, doing business back and forth through Mexico, and we have had quite a bit of product going back and forth. The prices generally will then be lowered on some of the items that we now are paying some duties in.

Opposition to NAFTA in the United States centers on concerns that higher paying jobs north of the border will disappear to be replaced by very low wage employment in Mexico. Such arguments are coming not only from supporters of Ross Perot, but also from grassroots Hispanic groups such as San Antonio's Fuerza Unida, if you're a loss of American manufacturing jobs that now employ Latinos here. However, President Salinas insists the treaty will have the opposite effect.

NAFTA is also a wage increase agreement, because with increases in productivity, we will be able to increase wages in Mexico more than they have been growing in the past four years.

Between Ross Perot and opponents of free trade in and out of the Congress, right now, the agreement appears to be in trouble, but Jorge Haynes with Laredo's International Bank of Commerce insists the opportunity is too important to allow it to slip away.

If we should decide not to adopt NAFTA, which is something I don't want to think about, I think we will be going backwards in our relationship with Mexico rather than forwards.

This is news from "Latino USA." I'm Maria Martin. The U.S. Census Bureau has released a new report on the country's Latino population. Reporter Barrie Lynn Tapia has more.

Over the last 10 years, the number of Latinos in this country grew seven times faster than any other group. They had more children and less elderly than non-Latinos. They were also less likely to be covered by health insurance. Julio Moran, a reporter for the "LA Times," says the findings are more than just statistics.

When we talk about urban agendas, we're really talking about a Latino agenda. We're finding that Latinos becoming more segregated and more concentrated in precisely the same areas that need, I think, more attention into what's happening to our society at this moment.

The Census Bureau also says Latino unemployment rates are consistently higher and median family income lower than the population at large. Although more Latinos are graduating from high school than a decade ago, Latinos still lag behind the rest of the nation in education. For "Latino USA," I'm Barrie Lynn Tapia in Washington.

A new survey says there are now more Latino journalists working in the United States media, but few in management positions. Olga Rodriguez has this report.

According to a survey conducted by the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, the number of Latinos employed in major newspapers rose by 27% in the last two years, but less than 3% of them are in management positions. Cesar Rocha, who conducted the study, says there are several reasons why the number of Latinos in management remains so low.

There's little commitment among many publishers and editors to the goal of diversifying their management team. There are very few Latino managers, as we said, to act as mentors, and there is the growing dissatisfaction among everyone.

The study also says that the number of Latinos in broadcast journalism is increasing, but at a slower pace than in print media. Another concern is the small number of Latinos in the nation's journalism schools. For "Latino USA," I'm Olga Rodriguez.

This is news from "Latino USA." I'm Maria Martin.

They're just starting to get electricity back on. The water source for the city as well as the surrounding suburbs is contaminated. We don't have drinking water.

It will be some time before life returns to normal for residents of the flood-ravaged Midwest. For hundreds of migrant laborers who normally work the area's corn crop, life has become even more complicated.

Jim Ramos directs a migrant program in Des Moines.

They don't read English, they don't speak English, and everything that's running in the newspapers here is in English, and it's saying, "Don't drink the water. " Again, it's not just Des Moines; it's all over the state that this flooding's happening. So it's all over that they're having these problems.

In a normal year, says Ramos, the work season for corn would begin at the end of July. Now the workers are idle, and food and housing are problems.

We have right now 800 to 1,000 migrants that are in the state awaiting the possibility of work. A lot of the companies have put them in hotels or motels, so they'll be sitting in the motels with time on their hands or no income and trying to survive. But there's only so much you can do with all the water that's out there.

Jim Ramos of the Proteus Project in Des Moines, Iowa.

The great flood of 1993 has left millions of acres of Midwest farmland underwater and thousands of farm workers with no work. Many of those unemployed migrants are now returning early to their homes in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas. Attorney Ray Gill is with the United Farm Workers in San Juan.

Many of the people are going to be without unemployment insurance. They're going to be without the wages that they would have earned, that would protect them during the winter, because, typically, the migrant farm workers come back here, hopefully after a good summer of work cashed up to where they have enough money to be able to live at least for a while, buy shoes for the children and clothes for the children and the family, and fix up the family car and maybe fix up the family home. Hopefully, to collect unemployment during the winter to be able to, again, have enough money in May to get the family car together, to buy some gas to go back up North.

Resources to help the expected flood of returning farm workers are scarce in the Valley, says Gill, and many may not be eligible for emergency unemployment insurance.

For all the people that were going someplace in hopes of finding work, but didn't have a solid job that they were going to, but had heard there's there's corn detasseling around the Davenport area in Iowa, there are sugar beets in a particular area in North Dakota, who were going there in the hopes of finding work but didn't have anything solid or substantial ahead of them. Those people may not be eligible for this federal insurance. It's the typical syndrome. People will come back, they'll get on welfare program, aid the family with dependent children, or food stamps, and hopefully find a little bit of work here and there in the Valley, but that's highly unlikely given the 26 or 27% unemployment rate that's here in the best of times. You have a very disasterful situation.

Attorney Ray Gill is with the United Farm Workers in San Juan, Texas. I'm Maria Martin with news from Latino USA.

This is Latino USA. Recent polls show Americans are split on support for President Clinton's budget plan, but some analysts believe the bill's provisions may benefit many in the Latino community. Patricia Guadalupe attended the bill signing ceremony and she prepared this report.

Thank you. Thank you very much.

At the bills signing, the president declared the budget passage, a mandate from the people. Although the plan barely squeaked by in both the house and the Senate, many in Congress voted against it, citing constituent resentment towards the package. But presidential pollster, Stan Greenberg says his studies indicate many Americans, including most Latinos, widely supported the President's plan.

They're much more supportive, broadly supportive of the plan. Though the Hispanic community is very diverse, as you know and national samples aren't quite large enough to represent all of the diversity, but overall supportive of the plan and in general more supportive of the plan than other voters.

Analysts that the National Council of La Raza say the plan will greatly benefit the Hispanic community, particularly the earned income tax credit, which is designed to help lower income families. Democratic representative Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas says this provision will help Latinos in his district who disproportionately hold jobs that pay poorly.

This program will mean that there are over 58,000 families that qualify there. They're sub marginally employed. They're earning on that level less than 27,000, but still trying to maintain a family. And this targeted tax assistance program they call it, will be of immense help.

President Clinton's plan increases the earned income credit salary cap from $21,000 to $27,000 a year. Other parts of the plan, which enjoyed wide support in the Hispanic community and which were signed into law as part of the package were increased monies for urban development and vaccinations for children. For Latino USA I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

You're listening to Latino USA.

This is Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture.

[Opening Theme]

I'm Maria Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA, the race is on for approval of the North American Free Trade Agreement.

If you are a Chicano entrepreneur in the border states, you're likely to do very well by NAFTA. If you are an industrial worker in the Northeast or in the Midwest, your company might find it advantageous to move your job to Mexico.

From East LA, an Elvis for El Pueblo. El Vez, the Mexican Elvis.

One of my favorites is [singing] ‘you ain’t nothing but a chihuahua, yappin’ all the time’. We start the show with the lighter easy songs, the familiar ones and then we hit them with the one-two punch.

That's all coming up on Latino USA, but first las noticias.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin.

Today I'm pleased to announce that the governments of the United States, Mexico, and Canada-

Now that the governments of North America have agreed on labor and environmental accords to the North American Free Trade Agreement, President Clinton has named a NAFTA czar. He's William Daley, brother of current Chicago Mayor Richard Daley. It'll be his job as head of the administration's task force on NAFTA to push the free trade agreement through a still undecided Congress.

After months of protracted talks, negotiators for the United States, Canada, and Mexico have reached agreement on side accords to the North American Free Trade Agreement. But not everyone is happy with the final consensus, not labor, not environmental groups. Not even an organization called the Latino Consensus on NAFTA, a coalition of groups which generally support NAFTA. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

The agreement reached includes oversight commissions that will monitor environmental and labor standards in Mexico, the United States, and Canada. Sanctions and fines are established for failure to obey labor and environmental laws. US trade representative Mickey Kantor called it, "A momentous pact that raises the standard of living for the three countries."

For the first time a free trade agreement covers workers' rights and the environment. This will serve as a model in the future.

But the same groups the negotiators were trying to appease are still not convinced. Labor and environmental groups attacked the agreement saying it didn't go far enough. Ron Carey is president of the Teamsters Union.

President Clinton made it very clear the protections that he would be looking at and the kinds of things that were important to him were raising the wages, protecting the environment, and providing good jobs for Americans. Well, these side agreements simply don't do that. American corporations through this agreement are encouraged more than ever to move to Mexico. So, when you look at that from our perspective and from working people in this country, what you see is that corporations get NAFTA and working people in this country get shafta.

There are even those who want a trade agreement but don't like the accords reached. One of those groups is the Latino Consensus, an Association of National Hispanic Organizations that support NAFTA. They are not happy with what the negotiators agreed to regarding the financing of border projects. The Latino Consensus wanted a bank that would not just finance border activity or just concentrate on environmental projects. The financing mechanism agreed to only addresses conditions at the border. Trade policy analysts, Mary Jo Marion of the National Council of La Raza, which is part of the consensus, said that, "This agreement was hastily put together and she doesn't feel it does enough to convince those members of Congress who remain undecided."

We have now formed a block in Congress of people that are on the fence that are part of this bill, they're saying, "If we get the NADBank or most of it, then we can vote for the free trade agreement." I don't think that the administration can afford to ignore that. I mean, they haven't got enough votes. They need to work with us and the proposal that they now have, even with the side agreements are not going to be enough.

A tough fight awaits NAFTA when Congress returns in September, especially in the House of Representatives, even in President Clinton's own Democratic Party. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

With us to discuss the implications of the agreement and the future of NAFTA are three reporters who have been keeping their eyes and their ears on free trade. Richard Gonzalez of National Public Radio, Jose Carreño of the Mexican daily El Universal, and Latino USA's, Washington correspondent Patricia Guadalupe, who's also a reporter for the Hispanic Link News Service. Bienvenidos to all of you. Let's look at to what was actually agreed to in this final round. What about the side agreements and what protections do they offer for labor and the environment on all sides of the border? Richard?

I think what they offer is basically a very complicated, long, convoluted process by which a government entity, a private company, a public agency or an individual might file a complaint saying that one country is not enforcing its own labor and environmental laws. It does nothing about addressing the inadequacy of any laws, but just talks about enforcing laws that are now in the books. And so it sets up this process, if one believes that the process can work, then one thinks that these side agreements are good. If you don't think the process is going to work, then you don't think that the side agreements are any good.

Jose Carreño, from the Mexican perspective will this be good? Will this work or are these more faults in the treaty?

God, that is a great question because it is a completely untried territory, this kind of agreements that has never been done before. So as Richard say, if you believe in those, you think that they will, you hope that they will work. If you do not believe in them, you think that they won't work, but it's completely unchartered territory. There is nothing like this as far I know anywhere else.

Well, the conventional wisdom has it that US based Latinos have a lot to gain from this treaty. Is that still the case with the final version of NAFTA? Are Latinos in this country going to benefit more or less?

I think it depends on who you speak to. I mean, the Latino Consensus, a group of Latinos who want further participation in NAFTA want a treaty, but some of the final details, they don't agree with us. For instance, the financing of a development bank. They agree with the idea, but they don't like the final outcome.

I think that's a very hard question because you really don't know how much it'll benefit the population in general or not, or how much will it harm it. The truth though is that at this point there is this sort of political haggling going around and, "Okay, if you want my support, you will have to give me something."

If the question is, will Latinos in the US say benefit from NAFTA? The answer depends on who you are, where you live, and what you do. If you are a Chicano entrepreneur in the border states, you're likely to do very well by NAFTA. If you are an industrial worker in the Northeast or in the Midwest, you're probably in a situation where your company might find it advantageous to move your job to Mexico, in which case you become a loser. And because of these various circumstances, you see that the Congressional Hispanic Caucus here in Washington up on Capitol Hill is very divided on NAFTA. As one caucus member said to me, "Whenever you bring up NAFTA, you really have to watch your table manners," because people have very strong opinions pro and against inside the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

What kind of a timeline are we looking at and will it be passed or will it not be passed by Congress?

Well, if you had the vote right now, no. Absolutely not. And then there's also the discussions of what healthcare reform and all the other issues that are going up on Capitol Hill. Then the average person here wants that before the treaty. I mean, I don't think the average person has been following NAFTA as much as the press and business people are.

Look, up to now I might say, I think that has been basically inside the beltway issue.

Absolutely.

The population in general has heard only slogans both in favor or against and has sort of decided its position in base of slogans, but the population hasn't heard hard facts, not as well. The Congress itself is, I could bet that most of some of the people who are in favor and some of the people who are against doesn't even have an idea of what they're talking about.

I think what we're seeing is that we'll find the administration will be ready to send this up to the hill sometime in early October after they've sent the healthcare package up to Congress and we won't have a vote until November, maybe even as late as December. So once they send it up to The Hill in October, there's 90 days in which Congress has to act and they're really pushing to get this done by January 1st. Whether it will pass, like Patricia said, today it would not pass. But the vote is not going to be held today. It's going to be held after two or three months of a very nasty, ugly debate. And so I don't think you can place of bet either way.

Well, thank you very much, muchas gracias, for joining us on Latino USA's Reporters Roundtable. Richard Gonzalez of National Public Radio, Jose Carreño of the Mexican daily El Universal, and Latino USA's Washington correspondent Patricia Guadalupe. Muchas gracias.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. US Latinos are three times more likely to live in poverty than most Americans. According to a new census report, almost a third of Hispanics live below the poverty line. They make up 18% of the nation's poor, and only 9% of the population. Sonia Perez heads The Poverty Project at the National Council of La Raza.

The poverty level in the Latino community has increased over the past year, and we were expecting that, given the recession last year and the effect that that's had on the employment of a lot of people. So, the poverty issue is a big concern because we see that the community is working, and yet the poverty is high, so they constitute a large proportion of the working poor.

Almost half of poor Latinos are children under the age of 18.

There was another free trade-related summit in Tijuana, Mexico. This went to form a community-based agenda regarding NAFTA. Joseph Leon has this report.

Hundreds of people representing US and Mexican environmental labor groups met to discuss the North American Free Trade Agreement. The US, Mexican, and Canadian governments believe that NAFTA will tend to the economic and environmental needs of the communities throughout North America. But for the community groups, the agreement will accomplish quite a different goal. Mike Guerrero of the Southwest Organizing Project in New Mexico.

The North American Free Trade Agreement, as it's negotiated now, has nothing to do with free trade. For them to increase their profit margins means cutting our wages, cutting environmental regulations, cutting social services, and that's basically what it's all about.

Those who met in Tijuana hope to influence the public's opinion on NAFTA before the Congress issues their vote in the coming months. For Latino USA, I'm Joseph Leon.

From Austin, Texas, I'm Maria Martin for Latino USA.

On August 24th of last year, Hurricane Andrew ripped through South Florida, wreaking devastation. When the rains and winds had died down, 150,000 people were left homeless. One year later, many communities hard hit by Andrew have generally recovered, but that's not the case in the mostly agricultural region of South Dade County, where construction and repairs are still in progress. Many farms remain closed or are operating at half capacity. Reporter Emilio San Pedro was in the Florida City homestead area of South Florida on the anniversary of Hurricane Andrew. He reports that life is only very slowly returning to normal in this primarily farmworker community.

The Centro Campesino in Florida City is a farm worker support organization that serves as the unofficial town center for many of South Dade's migrant and year-round farm workers. Housing counselor Leslie Guerra says that every day, the staff at the Centro sees indications that the damages caused by Hurricane Andrew are still affecting the area's farmworkers.

In the long run, or the long term, the farmworker was affected because now there aren’t any- there's not as much work. There used to be a lot of farm laboring work done on lime groves, in plant nurseries, and stuff like that. And, as you know, everybody lost their trees in their backyard or their front yard, so you can imagine how the plant nursery industry did. And the farmworker, especially the farmworker who's here year-round, does lots of work in that particular industry, and that was almost completely wiped out.

One year after the eye of Hurricane Andrew passed over the agricultural region of South Dade, many farms remain closed or are operating at half capacity. The cost of housing has risen sharply, due to the destruction of many of the trailer parks, apartments and homes that house agricultural workers.

Last night I was watching a special program about the hurricane, and it was sad. It made me sad because I'm thinking-

Terry Adellano is a dance teacher at the Centro Campesino. She has seen her life, and the lives of the farmworkers she works with, transformed.

Our spirits really were blown away with the hurricane because our school was completely torn. I mean, our costumes flew away, our shoes. Along with a lot of our students that had to relocate to West Palm Beach, some to Texas, some stayed here, but most of them had to relocate because they didn't have nowhere else to live.

One of her students is Raul. His family stayed, even though their house was damaged, and his parents lost their business.

I learned not to give up by helping my parents after the hurricane, going out, making a little money by cleaning up other people's yards after I cleaned up my yard. My parents were just starting to pick up on a restaurant, and on the same day that the hurricane hit, the insurance man was supposed to come and approve it. But Hurricane Andrew beat him to it.

I'm going to ask Governor Chiles to say a few-

Today, on the eve of the anniversary of Hurricane Andrew, Terry Adellano and others at the Centro Campesino are hosting Florida's governor, Lawton Chiles, and other dignitaries who are paying visits to many of South Dade's hardest-hit regions.

I want to say how surprised I was when I came in here to see not only repairs being made to the homes that were here, but to see all the new homes being constructed. By golly, I'm delighted to see that the tent city is no longer there.

This is one of the houses that was rebuilt. This house was here during the hurricane. In fact, this house was used for-

Outside the office of the Centro Campesino is a housing development called Centro Villas. The more than 60 homes are owned by farmworkers that have participated in the Centro's sweat equity program. Antonia Torres lives in one of the houses and is the president of the Centro Villas Homeowners Association.

No, me falta terminar la cocina…[transition to English dub] I still need to redo the kitchen, and the kitchen cabinets haven't been replaced. Also, the tool shed was destroyed, and my fence has not been repaired [transition to original audio]…todavía.

Today, Antonia brought her husband and two boys to the Centro Campesino to hear what the governor had to say.

Que bueno que nos visitó el gobernador, que bueno…[transition to English dub] It's great that the governor came here, and hopefully it won't be just a visit. Hopefully it will result in assistance for all that need it. Sometimes it happens that way. They visit, look around, say they're going to help, and in the end, they don't do nothing [transition to original audio]…ojalá que esta vez sí ayuden.

Housing Counselor Leslie Guerra points out that houses like those in Centro Campesino are the exception for farmworkers, and that the majority of farmworkers are finding it difficult to make ends meet after Andrew, due to the shortage of affordable housing. She adds that the post-hurricane assistance offered by the Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, was in many cases inadequate.

I think that FEMA has helped with maybe their personal property and personal belongings and things like that, but that is not long-term help. When someone replaces their furniture, it doesn't really get them back into the shape that they were in before. Helping them get a better job, helping them get better housing, that's what FEMA really should have done instead of giving them $8,000 or $9,000 and say, "Hey, buy new furniture with it." Is that really helping somebody put them back to where they were, or even helping them put their life back together psychologically and emotionally?

Hurricane Andrew caused over $1 billion in damages to South Dade's agriculture industry, and left thousands of acres of farmland barren. But today, many of the businesses on US 1 are back in operation, and some of the larger agricultural companies are in full swing. But many farmworkers have not yet fully recovered from the loss of housing and employment opportunities. For Latino USA, I'm Emilio San Pedro In Florida City.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. In New York City's, East Harlem, the Puerto Rican Barrio. A neighborhood marketplace known as La Marqueta has long been a symbol of the area's economic development or lack of it. The one's thriving market is now run down and in need of renovation, but as the political climate heats up in New York City for local elections, La Marqueta is beginning to become an issue. From New York Mandalit del Barco reports.

Beuno, aqui tengo platano maduro, platano verdes. Tengo Yucca, [inaudible], agua—aguacate.

The Banana King, Jose Luis Santiago sells fruit from a stand at La Marqueta. A warehouse under the old, elevated subway tracks in the heart of El barrio, Santiago has been here for 42 years in the business he took over from his father in that time, he says he is seen many changes.

Oh! Aqui la luna han cambiado.

[Inaudible.]

Como te dije al principio que la marqueta se cayeron, caer no, no limpieza toda via ven la marca.

La Marqueta fell into disrepair over the years. He says, leaving the place dirty and neglected. Luis the Banana King's just one of eight or nine vendors left at La Marqueta, along with a couple of butchers, fabric vendor, egg seller and botanica merchants. He's watched the once thriving marketplace deteriorate before his eyes.

No hay mucho publico, muy pco lo que nadie aqui, no hay nada que buscar--

Luis the Banana King laments that nobody shops at the marketplace anymore and there's not much to shop for. It's a far cry from 1936 when it was created by Mayor Fiorello La Guardia as an indoor space to keep the push cart pedalers off the streets. What started as the Park Avenue market with Italian and Jewish merchants slowly shifted to becoming La Marqueta as Puerto Rican started flooding into East Harlem in the 1950s, there were five Marqueta buildings where there now is barely one. Butcher Alex Garcet, a Puerto Rican New Yorker remembers how La Marqueta used to be.

30 years was different, was crowded you couldn't even... We used to open at five in the morning by six o'clock was people waiting outside the N 20. The bus used to be crowded. Everything, it's nothing, was different. Everybody was concerned.

In the 1970s, tenants at La Marqueta organized to run the marketplace and later several developers took over all without success. La Marqueta became the site of building code violations and neglect as small vendors retired or moved elsewhere and there was no one left to take their place. A year and a half ago, the city finally took charge again. Through the Economic Development Corporation. [Natural sounds of neighborhood] The city is fixing the one remaining building hoping to welcome new tenants by October. There's now a task force working on choosing a new developer to boost La Marqueta to a new future. The city is committed $5 million to the project and the task force is hoping for state and federal money in addition. East Harlem City council member Adam Clayton Powell IV envisions La Marqueta as a tourist attraction and an affordable neighborhood shopping center.

I would like to see like a flea market where different vendors can have their push guards and where we can have fruits, vegetables, t-shirts, magic, trick stores that that sort of thing, and I think it can be done.

But others, including Powell's rival in the current city council election, William Del Toro wonder about the viability of such a dream becoming reality given the marketplace's history and the neighborhood's lack of buying power. Also, the wisdom of spending so much money to revive a place that might simply be outmoded.

The goal is to create 20 stalls at a cost of $2,000,000.00 Do you know what we're talking about? $100,000.00 a stall. And you know what a stall is? A couple of pieces of plasterboard and a gate that rolls down.

[Archival sound] Temperatura en la cuidad de Nueva York en los 84 grados.

Those working to revitalize La Marqueta disagree that the place is doomed. They see a future mixed east marketplace complete with food vendors, clothing stores, movie theaters, and a community space with the smells, feel, and mood of East Harlem. Across from the banana stand, Alex Garcet sells fresh meat, accepting food stamps and allowing his customers to buy food on credit. He even has a whole index card catalog filled with IOUs like many in the neighborhood, Garcet considers where he works a landmark. Not long ago, he had to lay off 11 employees from behind the meat counter, still he says he'll stay. Why do you stay?

Well, listen, the reason we stand, because we have hope. Okay? Everybody have hope and I have a hope that one day we might be able to make it and we doing it by ourself.

Until La Marqueta becomes a sensation that's promised, Alex Garcet says the vendors will continue to wait for customers to return. For Latino USA, Mandalit del Barco in New York.

As the Census Bureau issued new figures showing the Latino population growing at a faster rate than previously projected, dozens of Latino leaders from across the country met to focus on the issues which most affect this growing population. Among them, education, health, and how to make Latino communities viable. Organized by the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the three day meeting culminated with an electronic town hall meeting linking together San Juan, Miami, New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, and San Antonio. Latino USA's Maria Martin reports.

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute presents threads of diversity, the fabric of unity.

Finding an agenda which can unite the many diverse and regionally scattered Latino communities is what brought together some 800 invited guests and the Hispanic members of Congress for an electronic town hall meeting joining together seven cities.

In New York, Congressman Robert Menendez of New Jersey and Congresswoman Nydia Velazquez, resident commissioner Carlos Romero Barcelo is in San Juan. We have Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Congressman Lincoln Diaz Ballard with an audience in Miami.

In their regional and national diversity, the Hispanic Congressional Caucus, its 20 members up from 14 since last November, mirrors this country's Latino community. Members don't always agree on issues, such as the embargo of Cuba and the North American Free trade Agreement. Yet at this conference, the congress members echoed the sentiment expressed by HUD Secretary Henry Cisneros.

Yes, we are different national origins and yes we are are different partisan roots, Republicans, and Democrats, and independents, and radicals, and conservatives, and every sort of breed of political roots. And yes, we live in different parts of the country and we've already talked about that, but the truth is we have much more in common than the things that separate us.

To address issues in common, a survey was taken among those invited to the seventh City Electronic Town Hall. The results indicated education is the issue of greatest concern among Latinos followed by health community viability, that is jobs, and the environment. From politicians to students to grassroots organizers, they all had questions for their congressional representatives.

My question is language minority preschool-aged children do not have to be provided with equal educational opportunities. How is this issue going to be addressed?

Responding is California Congressman Xavier Becerra.

Mrs. Maria, I can tell you one thing that in Congress you will not be satisfied by the answer because those of us in Hispanic caucus are not satisfied. We will be spending something over $200 million this coming year on bilingual education, about 20 or 30 million more if the president has his way than was spent in the past year. That 250 or $230 million provides us with the funds to reach about 10 to 15% of all the children in this country who are in need of bilingual services. The states aren't doing much better-

I would like to know how the Hispanic Congressional Caucus intends to deal with the current anti-immigrant backlash. In general, its impact on K-12 education. In particular, its impact on children enrolled in federally funded bilingual education programs.

Responding to this question from Los Angeles, LA Congressman Esteban Torres.

At this time in our history we're undergoing a tremendous onslaught by those who would wish to blame all the economic ills on this country on immigrants. The immigrants I might say, didn't have a lot to do with the SNL scandal. They didn't have a lot to do with the Cold War issue.

Those questions and responses having to do with the prevalent anti-immigrant climate seem to get the most response from those in the town hall audience, not only in the area of education but regarding the exclusion of the undocumented from the administration's healthcare plan. Illinois Congressman Luis Gutierrez.

In Chicago, in our discussions, we understand that healthcare needs to become. Given any package that we approve in the Congress of the United States, needs to be looked at as a basic and fundamental human right. A basic and fundamental human right that is guaranteed to every human being who lives in the United States regardless of the color of their skin or their economic status, regardless of whether they arrived yesterday or today or they're going to arrive tomorrow. Cancer and tuberculosis and illness does not ask for a MICA card as to whether it can visit your home or your children.

Just very briefly say that on this issue and on every other issue, it is a caucus policy to include the undocumented as part of our community.

Caucus chair, New York Congressman Jose Serrano.

We are not immigration agents. We don't get involved in how people get here. Once they're here, we feel that they have to be protected. Number two, this caucus, for the first time is also addressing the fact that people who live in American territories are part of our American community. There are questions yet to be settled about those territories, but as far as fair play from Washington, this caucus believes that the members who represent those areas and the people who live in those areas, for American citizens that they are, must get equal treatment and that's the kind of approach that the caucus has taken.

There are no easy answers to all the questions and issues facing the Latino community and addressed during the three days of sessions on Capitol Hill, but what was perceptible in Washington was a new attitude. The Hispanic caucus has been energized by new leadership and by the additional members elected in November, including its first Mexican-American and Puerto Rican congresswomen. There was serious talk of coalitions between Hispanics and African-Americans in Congress at one of the sessions, and at the same time the issues forum was taking place, the 20 members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus had an opportunity to show their new clout when they blocked a bill which would've extended unemployment insurance by cutting off benefits for blind and disabled legal immigrants. Congressman Xavier Becerra.

Chairman Serrano came into the discussions and it was through the efforts of the caucus, the name of the caucus, that we were able to say that Congressman Pastor who also came in, we were able to say that we as members of the Hispanic caucus, could not support this particular bill even though we knew we had many people in our districts who were unemployed, but this was not the way to do it. You don't rob Peter to give to Paul and we would not let it happen, and fortunately we had a leadership with the foresight to know that they should not do it either.

We have shown great progress and the fact that this caucus is being held here today is proved that the Mexican-American, the Hispanic can go forward. My question to you-

This new visibility and increasing political power for Latinos on Capitol Hill led one elderly participant to ask what those outside of Congress could do to help the members of the caucus be more effective. The answer came from representative Becerra.

Three important words Vote, vote, vote.

The town hall session of the Issues forum sponsored by the Congressional Hispanic Caucus was broadcast over public television stations in New York, Washington, San Antonio, Los Angeles, and Chicago. For Latino USA, I'm Maria Martin.

NAFTA will bring more jobs and better jobs.

Labor Secretary Robert Reich launched the latest effort by the Clinton administration to push the North American Free Trade Agreement through Congress. While a coalition of Hispanic organizations and elected officials urged the president to adopt other measures to, in their words, ensure Latino support for NAFTA.

I have to be able to tell my constituents that it's a good agreement.

California Congressman Esteban Torres joined other Latino office holders and organizations such as the National Council of La Raza to announce their support for NAFTA is contingent on the adoption of provisions for dislocated workers or regional development bank, and fair opportunities for minority-owned businesses. Without this, Torres NAFTA doesn't really address the needs of Latinos.

And certainly without the enthusiastic support of Latinos and their elected officials, NAFTA has little, if any chance, for passage. It's going to be a very tough battle in Congress, and every vote counts.

[Guitar music, transition] I'm Maria Hinojosa. 75,000 people descended on the nation's capital on a train August Saturday to commemorate a historic civil rights march, which took place on another hot August day 30 years ago.

[Archival sound] Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and all hill of Mississippi.

Although some things have changed for the better in the three decades since Dr. King articulated his vision for equality and justice, this year's march found many people, including many Latinos, seeking to improve their situation in this country. Latino USA's Patricia Guadalupe was at the march and filed this report.

When Martin Luther King Jr. stood on these steps 30 years ago today, he challenged people of goodwill across our nation to rise up and live out the true meaning of his creed.

Coretta Scott King, widow of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., addressed a much smaller crowd in that which heard her husband 30 years ago. She spoke of the same things he did, the need for more jobs and into prejudice and a more peaceful world. Many at the recent march acknowledged that progress had been made in those areas, but they said much remains to be done, especially in improving the lives of Latinos. Carmen Gonzalez of New York City said she came to the march to fight for more jobs.

Things are not going too well for many people. There are too many unemployed. They're not jobs. There's nothing out there really. There's a lot of college grads who are looking for jobs. They can't find anything.

Do you think that this march is going to change things?

We're trying. We're trying to enforce something by being united. We're trying to see, we're trying to foresee if the President will do something for us.

According to the Joint Center for Political Studies in Washington, living conditions have gotten worse for Hispanics in the last 30 years. Since 1963, there has been a 10% increase in Hispanic poverty levels, particularly in urban areas where figures show 60% unemployment among Hispanics.

Almost 10% more Hispanics and Asians live in poverty today than did in 1963. More poor whites drop out before high school graduations.

Young people were strong presence at the march, and while most of them marched for the same things as their older counterparts, a young Latina from Rhode Island took it one step further. Ana Rodriguez said she came to make a statement about Puerto Rico.

Since the plebiscite is going on in Puerto Rico now and they're going to decide the statehood of Commonwealth. And Puerto Rico has been oppressed for 500 years, first by the Spaniards and now by the Americans and everybody else. And the Puerto Ricans here in the United States see the worst part of it.

[Natural sounds of march] Even though a majority of the marchers declared that little has changed in the 30 years since the first march, there was a feeling of optimism for the future in the air. Henry Cisneros, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, said his optimism comes from faith that this administration will help out those who have been in need for so long.

For children who grow up in a development where they have no prospects or jobs or hope, for young people who get drawn to the only life around them which is drugs, you could only say that things were worse. But what we have to do is capture the momentum of what is possible and luckily, we have a president. We have an administration that is willing to go out on a limb and I think today is an important reminder of the job ahead.

Most Latinos at the march were as hopeful for the future as Secretary Cisneros, but some expressed disappointment that President Clinton was not there and that Latino participation in the march was relatively small. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

The total number of Latinos in the US workforce has been doubling every 10 years since the 1950s. But while Latino employment has expanded, the average quality of their jobs has declined. Latino USA's Maria Martin has more.

Just a short while ago, the Census Bureau issued a report saying Hispanics are disproportionately represented among the nation’s poor and make up a large part of the working poor. This finding came as no surprise to a group of sociologists and political scientists who studied Latinos in the American labor market. According to economist Raul Hinojosa Ojeda, one of the authors of the study, Latinos in a changing US economy, the study's most important finding was the dramatic downturn in economic opportunity for Latinos beginning after the mid 1970s.

Whereas the gap in earnings was closing throughout the most of the post-war era until about the mid 1970s, that gap has been increasing very rapidly. And in fact, that gap is very large part of the explanation of the increasing inequality in the United States.

The study's authors say downsizing of government programs during the 80s along with a lack of higher educational achievement by Latinos are among the factors which contribute to a decline in their economic situation. Perhaps the biggest factor, however, has to do with the restructuring of the US economy, from manufacturing to a greater focus on the service sector. Again, Raul Hinojosa.

So what was going on is just when Latinos were beginning to move into the capacity to take advantage of good-paying union jobs, these jobs became more and more scarce as the ability of the United States to compete in world markets and maintain the growth in those jobs begins and begins to erode.

Some of the study's authors say they were surprised to find that immigration had not played a significant role in the downturn in the relative income of US Latinos. Native born and immigrant Hispanics they say, generally compete for very different jobs. In a few cases, recent Hispanic immigrants and new native born job seekers do compete, but this is not a major factor in determining the overall income level for US Latinos. Sociologist Frank Bonilla is the executive director of the Inter-University Program on Latino research.

Whether or not immigration in itself is promoting more inequality, the reality is that both immigrant and native-born Latinos of all nationalities are facing new conditions of low wages. And that the number of working poor, that is people who have jobs but who receive the salaries that are below the poverty standard, are very much concentrated among the immigrant population and in some parts of the countries such as Los Angeles, principally among Mexican-Americans and new Mexican immigrants, particularly women.

When looking at the various Latino communities, the authors found regional differences. For instance, Miami did not experience the loss of manufacturing jobs that New York did. Still says political scientist, Maria Torres, it's hard to say that no Latino group remains unaffected by the trends in the American economy.

When we look within communities within these regions, there are no clear winners and no clear losers. It depends on the industries. For instance, in Chicago, Mexican-Americans do relatively well in comparison to Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and even South Americans when you're talking about manufacturing and public administration. When you're talking about the high services, Cuban-American males do very well. When you're talking about retail, Cuban-American women do very poorly. So I think that one of the lessons that we are learning in this study is that there really is a need to look at a joint community-based agenda that emphasizes Latino workers, because if there is and across the board lesson for all Latino workers is that there is an impoverishment of Latino workers in every community and throughout the United States. And that even when we compare Latinos to African Americans and to Anglos, Latinos are at the bottom of the pail when we look at all workers.

Dr. Maria Torres of DePaul University, one of those participating in the study on Latinos in a changing US economy. For Latino USA, I'm Maria Martin.

While the media debates the pros and cons of immigration and pollsters measure growing anti-immigrant sentiment, it's somewhat harder to measure how immigrants feel about the ongoing debate. So Latino USA went to commentator, John Guardo, who came to this country from Colombia as a young boy to get his views on the controversy.

Yo, you want to know what really burns me up? It's when I hear people talk about minorities and immigrants like we are subhuman. It's those same people who think it's our fault when bad things happen in our neighborhoods. What they don't realize is that our communities are the ones abandoned by the authorities and left to decay. To set the record straight, let me tell you a story. There once was a kid, a smart kid, who came to this country not to freeload or abuse the opportunities America had to offer, but for a more basic reason. To live with his mom. You see, earlier in his life, his parents had separated. Pops was an alcoholic who had made a habit out of beating up mom. Mom was a teenager, who after the separation, moved to the US, leaving the kid behind, sacrificing it all for a shot at a better life. Finally, time allowed for mother and son to reunite in New York City.

This story should have ended with them living happily ever after. Unfortunately, this is the real world and it didn't happen that way. I am that kid. When I put my foot on the plane, I knew it was the start of a new life. I look forward to visiting Disneyland and the Empire State Building. I had a lot of aspirations. Catching a glimpse of the Statue of Liberty just before landing gave me confidence. It reassured me that I was finally free from the family violence I left back home. But had I really escaped violence entirely? For the first few weeks after I came to this country, life was good. Living in postcard New York was how I thought it would be. That all ended when my mom ran out of places to take me and I had to face it all on my own. Armed with only intellect and friendliness, I stepped into society only to face a seemingly indestructible enemy. Prejudice.

Being nice didn't keep me from getting beat up. Being smart didn't mean anything if no one would listen. But being punched for not knowing English, that was the last straw. From then on, respect became more important than anything and the streets became my school. My mother, on the other hand, worked incessantly, pushed to exhaustion by a dream of seeing her son wear a graduation gown. Sometimes, I felt like telling her how many obstacles I was facing as a new immigrant and just because of being myself, but that would've disillusioned her and she didn't deserve that. When I turned 15, I joined a gang. It seemed like the only way out of my situation. It was like a passport to a regular life, free from being pursued by hate I didn't understand. With size came strengths, and all our voices fused into one that was heard and respected. Now, through violence, I had earned the right to be.

Being young at that time though, I was more inclined to the social aspects of gang life. Being with girls, drinking with the guys, and wilding. Walking down that path landed me in jail a couple of times, turning me into a stereotype, just another statistic. I admit that my sense of responsibility decreased by being in a gang. Instead of hanging out, I could have been studying. But that lost time was replaced by a sense of security. The acceptance given to me by my crew filled up the hole created by being rejected during my first months here. Belonging to a gang fulfilled me, but as time passed, I realized this wasn't the way either. Now that I've been here for almost 10 years, I look at other young kids who have just arrived to this country and see myself. It's a shame that a person whose only intention is to come here and do better is welcomed by prejudice, greed, and racism.

This country was built on immigration. Why is it then? And some people claim to have more rights than others. Is it a seniority thing or a freedom thing? You see, I believe if there was some sort of structure or orientation to guide immigrants when they arrive here, those who are new to this country would be able to avoid certain obstacles. Like the ones I had to confront. A good start would be an expansion in the English as a second language program to make it available to everybody, students and adults alike. Not knowing how to speak English is a problem that leads to others like difficulty in finding a job or being a target for discrimination. America is a beautiful country, full of promise and opportunity for everyone. Immigrants included. Too bad, there are those out there who tarnish its beauty with ignorance. I am John Guardo, speaking for the street.

At a hearing on AIDS in the Latino community held recently in Los Angeles, health officials said Hispanics constitute the fastest growing segment of new AIDS cases. One out of every three people with AIDS in Los Angeles County is Latino. In the last year alone, there has been a 95% increase in the incidence of AIDS/HIV among Hispanic men. This is news from Latino USA.

The House of Representatives in Washington recently approved a bill extending unemployment benefits to millions of out of work Americans, but at the expense of legal immigrants. It was the battle the Hispanic Congressional Caucus fought and lost. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

Members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus were angry when they found out their colleagues in the House were going to pay for the latest extension of unemployment benefits by requiring legal immigrants to wait five years instead of the usual three in order to qualify for government benefits. Although it would save the government more than $300 million, members of the Hispanic Caucus said there had to be other ways to fund the extension. Democratic representative Luis Gutierrez, Illinois.

We said, "Well, why are we changing the rules in the middle of the game and now doing this on the back of those that least can afford to do it? The disabled and then immigrant community to this country."

After heated debate, much of an antagonistic toward immigrants, the Hispanic Caucus didn't have enough votes and lost. Gutierrez says a lot of it is due to the increasing levels of bigotry and intolerance in the Congress and the rest of the country.

The immigrants in 1993 are no longer spoken of in the grand tradition of the grand mosaic of American society where each immigrant group obviously adds because of the diversity and their new strength to building America. But they are attacked and casually accused of being responsible from everything to the drug infiltration in our country to people not being able to get jobs, to the crisis in healthcare.

The bill to extend unemployment benefits is now under consideration in the Senate. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

The nation's second largest car rental agency, Avis, has been charged with employment discrimination. In a lawsuit filed by Latinos working at the company's San Francisco office, the workers claimed they were denied benefits routinely granted to non-Latino employees. From San Francisco, Isabel Alegria reports.

17 Latino drivers filed the suit in San Francisco's Superior Court saying they were the victims of constant discrimination and harassment by their supervisors over a period of three years. The workers, all immigrants, say they were threatened with firing, forced to use segregated toilets, subject to abusive language, and repeatedly required to produce verification of their immigration status. They also allege they were denied vacation time, rain gear and regular breaks. Avis has denied the charges. Representatives of both sides are meeting in an attempt to settle the case as is required in San Francisco's court system. A jury trial is scheduled to start December 13th. For Latino USA, I'm Isabel Alegria in San Francisco.

A group of dislocated Levi Strauss employees from San Antonio, Texas is intensifying its campaign for a boycott of Levi's products. The members of Fuerza Unida say they deserve better from the company, after it moved a plant to Costa Rica. From San Francisco, Chuy Varela has more.

[Background--natural sound--protest] This week, Fuerza Unida brought their campaign to San Francisco, California where Levis is headquartered to intensify pressure on the company to negotiate a fair settlement for the dislocated workers. Irene Reina is the co-coordinator of Fuerza Unida.

[Background--natural sound--protest] We know that they're very, very proud of their lily-white reputation, and that's what we're going to do, to make the public aware that they are not the progressive responsible company that they claim to be because it's obvious.

[Background--natural sound--protest] Levi's management has met twice recently with the dislocated workers, and are still willing to negotiate. But at this point, they say they feel they've gone beyond the requirements of the law to help their formers workers make the transition to other work opportunities. For Latino USA, I'm Chuy Varela in San Francisco.