1974-05-30

You are listening to Latin American Press Review, a weekly summary of events in Latin America with special emphasis on translation from the Latin American press. This program is produced by the Latin American Policy Alternatives Group of Austin, Texas. 

On today's show, we'll have reports from the Dominican Republic on recent presidential elections. 

And from Bolivia on reactions to a controversial treaty signed between Bolivia and Brazil. 

From Uruguay, we'll report on the latest reshuffling within the government, which seems to point towards even further military rule. 

And finally, we'll look at the governmental restructuring being undertaken by the Chilean Junta as well as international reaction to the activities of the Junta. 

The Puerto Rican paper, Claridad, reports that Joaquín Balaguer has been declared the winner of recent presidential elections in the Dominican Republic, but his problems are not over. In the first place, the election itself was marked by insistent charges of electoral fraud. Most of the opposition candidates withdrew from the race before the election in protest. The main point of the charges is that the election tribunal, which drew up new election decrees, is heavily biased in favor of Balaguer. 

There is now a strong feeling in Santo Domingo that Balaguer's opponents, frustrated at the polls, will now turn to other tactics to do damage to the president and his policies. The leading opposition candidate intends to carry the charges of electoral fraud to the courts. Such an attempt would probably have little success, it was admitted, but a well-publicized case would focus continuing attention on the electoral fraud charges and could keep it in the news for a year or more. 

President Balaguer will thus be inaugurated for a third term with unresolved questions about the election's legitimacy. Meanwhile, Balaguer's opponents announced plans to stage demonstrations in opposition to the election results. This suggests that the Dominican Republic could go through another difficult period of civil unrest. Claridad notes that all of this comes as Mr. Balaguer faces growing economic pressures and social unrest. Balaguer campaigned on recent economic achievements. 

He cited the Dominican Republic's 10% annual growth rate and the number of new industries setting up in the Dominican Republic. But such statistics do not reflect the country's serious economic problems. Unemployment tops 30% and inflation is eating away at salaries and wages at an annual rate of 25%. Also, the Dominican Republic, like many other nations in the underdeveloped world, is suffering from the high cost of petroleum. The cost increases will probably boost the island nation's import bill some three times this year. This will add inflationary pressures to an already difficult economic picture. This report on the Dominican Republic was taken from Claridad, a Puerto Rican weekly. 

The Caracas daily, El Nacional, carried an editorial on the recent treaty signed between Brazil and Bolivia. On May 22nd, Bolivia's president Hugo Banzer signed the agreement of industrial economic aid with Brazil. The treaty has important implications. Brazil is not just any neighbor. In recent years, especially since the military overthrow of President Goulart in 1964, the Amazonian giant has demonstrated that it wants to play an important part in Latin America. The head of the Brazilian cabinet and chief collaborator of Brazil's President Geisel recently affirmed Brazil's imperial aspirations.

He believes expanded influence is Brazil's "manifest destiny." In keeping with her expansionist policy, Brazil has enjoyed growing influence in Bolivia since General Torres was ousted from Bolivia's presidency in 1971. Torres had refused to export iron to Brazil. Torres successor and Bolivia's current president, Hugo Banzer, has been much friendlier to Brazil. Indeed, many analysts believe that Banzer is in power thanks to Brazilian pressure. Banzer was one of only four Latin American presidents invited to the inauguration of Brazil's new president, General Ernesto Geisel. 

The other three were the heads of Uruguay, Chile, and Paraguay. The Brazilian-Bolivian agreement will create a disequilibrium in Latin American politics. Argentina is most damaged by the Brazilian-Bolivian pact since it is now surrounded with Brazilian allies. In a move to neutralize Brazilian influence, Argentina's president, Juan Perón will visit Paraguay in early June. There are also rumors that Perón will visit Bolivia in an effort to improve Argentine-Bolivian relations. The Brazilian-Bolivian treaty, which so concerns Argentina, establishes an enclave of industrial development in Bolivia's southeast. 

The Brazilian government has guaranteed a market for Bolivian industrial goods in Brazil. Brazil also loaned Bolivia $10 million at 5% annual interest and financed the local costs of the projected programs in the agreement. Brazil pledges aid in an effort to secure an inter-American development bank loan for Bolivia. The loan is to be used to construct a pipeline to Brazil. Finally, Brazil agreed to grant Bolivia a longtime wish, a pathway to the sea. Brazil promised Bolivia free access to the Brazilian ports of Belém, Pôrto Belo, Corumbá, and Santos. In return, Bolivia pledged to Brazil a daily supply of 240 million cubic feet of natural gas for 20 years. 

The agreement has the drawback of possibly loosening Bolivian sovereignty over her southeast. Bolivia's southeast is especially vulnerable to Brazil's expansionist pretensions. Poorly linked to the rest of the country, and with a pro Brazilian elite, the southeast could easily have been separated from Bolivia. This has in fact happened before when Brazil annexed the rubber rich Acre territory from Bolivia at the beginning of the 20th century. There is today increasing Brazilian influence in Bolivia's border provinces. 

In one province, 20,000 of the total 32,000 inhabitants are Brazilians. They are imposing their language on the Bolivian province, and the medium of exchange is the Brazilian currency, the cruzeiro. By extending high interest rate loans, the Bank of Brazil has been able to acquire much Bolivian land through foreclosures. The El Nacional editorial concludes its analysis of the Brazilian-Bolivian treaty by stating "We do not applaud treaties, which only reinforce the position of reactionary governments." 

"Agreements behind the public's back, surrender of natural resources and indiscriminate acceptance of foreign loans will sooner or later bring about public outcry." That from that El Nacional editorial. More recent news in El Nacional confirms the editorial's judgment. After the treaty signing was announced, a meeting of numerous labor unions and political parties repudiated the treaty. The Bolivians said that the treaty, "Betrayed the national interest and endangered Bolivia's sovereignty by opening it to Brazilian influence." 

The treaty also provoked demonstrations in Bolivia. El Nacional reports that the afternoon after the treaty signing, police and paramilitary groups dispersed some 3,000 student demonstrators from the University of San Andrés. Later in the day, Bolivia's government announced the expulsion of three opposition political leaders. The leaders were accused of conspiring to damage Bolivia's economy through protests about the gas sales to Brazil. That night, hundreds of Bolivian students returned to the streets to demonstrate against the Brazilian-Bolivian treaty. 

The military then declared a state of siege. The three exiled political leaders appeal to workers, students, and peasants to unite against the government. The exiled leaders believe Bolivia's president, General Banzer, is attempting to establish a dictatorship. In response to the leader's plea, students at Cochabamba's Catholic University manifested their discontent with the treaty. They also protested the visit to Bolivia of Brazil's president, Ernesto Geisel with chants of, "Geisel go home." The students at Bolivia's San Andrés University have gone on strike for an indefinite period. This story about the new Brazilian-Bolivian treaty is from the Venezuelan daily El Nacional. 

Reports from the Montevideo weekly Marcha indicate that a military coup may be imminent in Uruguay. Last week, all military troops and police were called to their barracks while the commanding officers of the armed forces held secret talks. The result was the resignation of the commander-in-chief of the army, General Hugo Chiappe. General Chiappe is thought to have opposed a complete military takeover of the government. The army chief has been replaced by General Julio Vadora, Uruguay's army attaché in Washington, until Vadora's returned from the United States. 

He has been temporarily replaced by one of the hard line officers who is head of the country's strongest garrison in Montevideo and a strong admirer of Brazil's military regime. Now, the president of Uruguay, Juan Bordaberry, has been ordered to restructure his cabinet and to change his economic policy. The military wants him to remove some of his key civilian advisors who are presently ministers of economy, finance, and agriculture. According to Marcha, these events could signal a further blow to Uruguay's long tradition of democratic government. 

The military in which in previous decades had been virtually a forgotten force has become increasingly dominant in politics since it was called upon to crush the Tupamaro Urban Guerrilla Movement in 1972. Since last June, there has been only a thin civilian facade to the government. At that time, President Bordaberry backed by the military dissolved Congress and disbanded the largest labor organization and all political parties in the country. News of the present political crisis seems to have been kept within government circles and thus has aroused little popular unrest in Uruguay. 

The newspapers, which have been under censorship for several months, carried only a brief official communique on the removal of General Chiappe. All Argentine newspapers were confiscated by the government because they contained information concerning the military situation in Uruguay and news of the firing of the army commander in chief. The political reshuffling comes at a time of extreme economic hardship for the Uruguayan people. Inflation has caused prices to rise more than 1,000% since 1968. 

The high world price of fuel oil, all of which must be imported, has caused shortages and cutbacks in heating and light. Despite the damp and cold of late fall, heating systems have been turned off in factories and offices, and few cars are to be seen in the streets as gasoline costs over $2.50 per gallon. That from the Montevideo weekly, Marcha. 

The British news weekly Latin America reports that a recent decision of Chile's interior minister seems to indicate an important change within the power structure of the armed forces there. General Oscar Bonilla overruled the local military commander of San Fernando and commuted the death penalty of five members of the Chilean Socialist Party. This intervention is an indication that the Junta is planning to reorganize the country's power structure. According to Latin America, the Junta now seems to be swinging back to centralization. 

The provinces themselves are to be reorganized. The military commanders are to be made accountable to the center, and the paramilitary police force, the Carabineros, are to be integrated into the army. These are all signs that the armed forces are reorganizing the country for their perpetual control of power. Junta members have never suggested that they would step down, but in the first months after the coup, there were still some moderate elements in the army. Since then, however, these moderate officers have been weeded out. 

The power has shifted firmly into the hands of the hardliners, and there is no longer seems to be any serious debate within the armed forces about the desirability of remaining indefinitely in power. 

Excélsior of Mexico City notes that one of the Junta's main problems is dealing with international opinion. The most recent difficulties have arisen with Colombia, Venezuela, and England. Colombia recently announced the withdrawal of its ambassador from Chile. This action was brought on by Chile's violation of an agreement concerning asylum in the Colombian embassy. The Colombian ambassador has been unable to provide safe conduct passes for the prisoners in the embassy. Although Colombia's move does not represent a complete rupture of relations with Chile, it seriously strains them. 

In Venezuela, there has been a barrage of articles in magazines and newspapers denouncing the Junta. Elite, a magazine run by one of the most powerful groups of editorialists in Venezuela, recently published an article entitled "Our Black Book on Chile". The article charged that members of the armed forces who would not conspire against Allende were tortured. The moderate periodical Semana denounced the barbaric situation in Chile and claimed that the conditions in the prison camps do not begin to satisfy the terms of the Geneva Convention on prisoners of war. 

Perhaps the most serious international difficulties which have arisen lately center around Chile's relations with England. The British government has instructed Rolls-Royce to cancel its contract to overhaul aircraft engines for the Chilean Air Force and has banned the export of spare parts to Chile. This was announced by Prime Minister Harold Wilson in the House of Commons amid shouts of approval from Labor Party members. Wilson said that Rolls-Royce workers had refused to fill orders for the Chile Junta. 

Progressive circles in Britain have been demanding a full embargo on arms deliveries to the fascist regime. Their demands include cancellation of the Labor government's decision to deliver to the junta for warships that are being built in British shipyards. Wilson criticized the previous British government for their quick recognition of the military Junta. That report on events in Chile from the British news weekly, Latin America, the Mexico City daily Excélsior, and the Venezuelan newspapers Elite and Semana. 

You have been listening to Latin American Press Review, a weekly summary of events in Latin America with special emphasis on translations from the Latin American press. This program is produced by the Latin American Policy Alternatives Group. Comments may be sent to the group at 2434 Guadalupe Street, Austin, Texas. That's 2434 Guadalupe Street, Austin, Texas. Latin American Press Review is distributed by Communication Center, the University of Texas at Austin.

Views expressed are those of the Latin American Policy Alternatives Group and its sources and are not necessarily endorsed by the University of Texas or this station.