1973-05-31

Welcome to Latin American Press Review, a weekly selection and analysis of important events and issues in Latin America as seen by leading world newspapers, with a special emphasis on the Latin American press. This program is produced by the Latin American Policy Alternatives Group. 

We begin with a number of reports from Argentina where on May 25th, elected President Hector Campora assumed the office of president after what has been a suspenseful transfer of power from a military dictatorship.

The Miami Herald reports from Buenos Aires that Hector J. Campora, fulfilling a campaign pledge, began freeing political prisoners Friday within hours after assuming the presidency of Argentina, and ending seven years of military rule.

The new president himself had been a political prisoner when he was briefly jailed in 1955 after a military coup overthrew the labor-based government. Campora now 64, read a three-hour acceptance speech denouncing foreign imperialists and the outgoing military government.

Representatives of 82 governments attended the ceremonies, unique in the annals of protocol. Campora had President Salvador Allende of Chile and Osvaldo Dorticós of Cuba sign the pact of transmission of power. Campora in his speech argued that his predecessors sold out to foreign banks and multinational corporations, and quoting repeatedly from Peron, Campora outlined goals of redistribution of wealth, worker participation in industries, free health service and state built housing. "Argentina will seek close relations with all nations," he said, "but the closest will be with the countries of the third-world and particularly those of Latin America." That report from the Miami Herald. 

La Nación from Buenos Aires reported that among Campora's first acts upon becoming president and taking control away from the right wing military, was the releasing of political prisoners, the decriminalization of the Communist party, and the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba, relations, which have been broken since 1964 when the US government insisted upon a policy of isolating Cuba. 

The French press service Agence France reports from Havana that, "It is considered here that Argentina's recognition of Cuba will probably considerably strengthen the pro Cuban movement in Latin America. Cuban officials hope this diplomatic gesture will deliver the coup de grâce to the anti-Cuban blockade decreed in 1964 when the US insisted that a sugar cane curtain be constructed around Cuba, similar to the bamboo curtain constructed around China and the iron curtain around the Soviet Union." This from Agence France. 

Excélsior from Mexico, reported that Campora is proposing new rules for foreign investment in Argentina. Meanwhile, Excélsior says, "Political pressures are mounting. The Army is angry at the new turn of events, resenting the initiative of ex-president General Lanusse in turning power over to civilians. The left wing has also been putting pressure on the new government, continuing its guerrilla activities up until the last minute."

Recently, however, the strongest guerrilla group in Argentina, the People's Revolutionary Army, has released a very strong statement. According to the release, the group will not threaten Campora or his constitutional government, but will continue in armed struggle against the multinational enterprises and counter-revolutionary armed forces. "We will not attack the government", they say, "unless it attacks the guerrillas or the people." But it criticized the Peronist movement as conciliatory and compromising over the past 18 years, saying "If President Campora wants real liberation, he would take the hands of the people instead of consorting with the generals." This report from Excélsior, Mexico City's daily. 

In line with the just mentioned policy statement, guerrilla activity has continued. The Miami Herald reports from Buenos Aires that the Ford Motor Company began meeting leftist guerrilla demands with $400,000 in cash donated to children's hospitals, and 3000 food packages delivered to a shanty town. Some Peronist youths were reported opposed to accepting the food, because it came as a result of terrorist activities.

However, the Reverend Carlos Mugica, a leader of the Liberal Religious Movement, told them, "Now is not the time to quarrel about ideologies. Let's get this food to the people. At least the children will have tasted milk in cocoa once in their lives." About 100 persons, many wrapped in tattered ponchos against the chill autumn wind watched the food being stacked in the church.

In a news conference at the huge children's hospital in downtown Buenos Aires, hospital director Don Juan Carlos O'Donnell said a check for 2 million pesos that is $200,000 was delivered. A similar amount was paid to the Children's Hospital in Catamarca. The People's revolutionary Army told Argentina's Ford subsidiary last Tuesday that if $1 million were not paid, executives of the firm would be kidnapped or killed. That from the Miami Herald. 

Shifting from Argentina to Mexico, the assassination of several students in Puebla, Mexico has brought about consequences to that state and the nation of Mexico as a whole. Latin American newsletter reports that the governor of Puebla was forced to resign in the wake of the uproar over the death of several students killed by police on Mayday. The departure of the government had been the aim of the Puebla university students and of the rector, for some time. A number of students, and last year, two well-known faculty members, had been murdered by extreme right wing groups and many beaten up, but the Mayday incident was the last straw, and the governor was forced to resign. 

However, his resignation brought reaction from conservative groups urging a hard line against students and dissidents. The chamber of commerce called a 24-hour strike and local banks and businesses closed their doors, with business leaders describing the departure of the governor as, "Yet another step in the communist escalation." 

At the national level, President Echeverría has been having problems too in that his handling of the kidnapping of US consul in Guadalajara, Terence Leonhardy, was attacked by Mexican conservatives as weak, since Echeverría accepted the guerrilla's demands. That from Latin American Newsletter. 

There've been several strong reactions to US Secretary of State Rogers recent visit to Latin America that were ignored in the US press, but received ample coverage in Latin America. This report from Chile Hoy the Santiago weekly, is typical. 

The old rhetoric of the good neighbor no longer serves to suppress Latin American insubordination to aggressive US policies, leaving a trail of popular protest in Caracas and Bogota, prearranged tribute in Managua, and cold official receptions in Mexico City and Lima, Secretary of State, William Rogers arrived May 19th at his first breathing spot, Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, in his impossible goodwill mission to Latin America.

Rogers seeks to soften the growing Latin American reaction to the imperialist policies of his country, expressed clearly in recent international events and to make the road that President Nixon will soon follow, less rocky. Since the Secretary of State can obviously offer no real solutions to the antagonism between his country and Latin America, he has embellished his tour, characterized as a diplomatic diversion by an American news agency, with gross rhetoric. That from Chile Hoy.

Focusing next on one country where Secretary of State Rogers was welcome, namely Brazil, Opinião from Rio de Janeiro, and Marcha, the Uruguayan paper comment on the international implications of President Medici's recent visit to Portugal. 

Opinião reports that on his recent trip to Portugal, Brazil's President Medici was asked by Portuguese authorities for support of Portugal's colonial policy in Africa. Portugal, which is increasingly isolated within the United Nations because of this policy, is seeking diplomatic support and perhaps military aid, for its policy of maintaining colonies in Africa, despite world opinion and strong movements for national liberation in these colonies. 

The Portuguese press, pointed up a dilemma in Brazilian foreign policy. For over a decade, Brazil has been interested in extending its economic and diplomatic influence in Africa. Brazil's official position is that it will try to penetrate Africa on all fronts. However, as Marcha points out, there are only two doors to Africa, through the Portuguese colonies or by way of the independent nations of Black Africa. 

If the Brazilians support the Portuguese, they will have access to the markets of Angola and Mozambique and will win favor with the white supremacist government of South Africa. Yet if Brazil chooses to support Portugal, it will be siding with the colonial powers and will anger and alienate black independent African nations. As Senegal's representative to the United Nations expressed it, "Brazil must choose between justice and injustice, between supporting an Africa free of colonialism and supporting Portugal." 

Marcha concludes that the Brazilians will most probably support Portugal, because it wants to become a great power and sees more immediate advantage for itself in close ties with South Africa. Opinião is not so sure of this and sees Brazil's position as still neutral. However, Opinião concludes that Brazil will have to make a decision soon. This from Opinião of Rio de Janeiro and Marcha of Montevideo. 

Another country faced with a choice, is Costa Rica. The Miami Herald reports from San Jose that the Costa Rican legislators may decide what to do with Robert Vesco, who is wanted in the United States, after two conflicting reports on the financier are debated at June 4th, in the Costa Rican legislative assembly. Vesco and 40 others are defendants in a US Security and Exchange Commission suit, charging them with both being shareholders of $224 million in investors overseas service limited funds.

Among those involved with Vesco is James Roosevelt, son of the former president Franklin Roosevelt. Vesco has also been indicted with former US Attorney General John Mitchell and former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stan in connection with Nixon's 1972 campaign. Vesco failed to appear in New York recently to answer the indictment.

US authorities are reported to be studying a 1922 extradition treaty with Costa Rica to see if Vesco could be forced to return home. The financier has renounced US citizenship and is now curing a Costa Rican passport. Vesco's interests have been closely linked with the financial business of President Jose Figueres of Costa Rica. The US financier has been in seclusion here. A majority report by a special committee formed to investigate Vesco's mutual funds in this Central American nation, defended his activities on the grounds that the funds were beneficial to the nation's economy.

Vesco's Costa Rican interests have been estimated at about $25 million, but the committee president Rafael Valladares, filed a dissenting opinion attacking the financier. Assembly sources say they expected a lengthy debate on the issue in the legislative assembly, June 14th. This AP copy from the Miami Herald.

Plotting and infighting among right wing groups reached a new high in Bolivia. Latin America newsletter reports that it had been a good week for President Hugo Banzer. Not only has he eliminated his arch right wing rival Colonel Selich, but his police had another success against one of the left wing guerrilla organizations, killing two members in a La Paz suburb. 

The Selich business was undoubtedly a far greater significance. The ex-colonel and one-time ally of Banzer who was exiled in January 1972 after being sacked as interior minister, was caught plotting with a group of army officers and civilians in a middle class suburb of La Paz. A few escaped, but Selich and others were captured and taken to the interior ministry which he had once controlled.

Later, according to an official communique, he was moved in handcuffs to another building where he suffered "crisis nerviosa" trying to escape, but fell down some steps and died of his injuries. To some Bolivians, this "unfortunate accident", as the government statement described it, may appear to have a measure of rough justice since Selich was largely responsible for devising a way of executing political prisoners by throwing them out of helicopters.

Latin American newsletter continues that a fanatical anti-communist, Selich played a key role both in the capture of Che Guevara in 1967 and the coup which brought Banzer to power. Rewarded with the interior ministry, he soon began to accuse Banzer of being soft on left wing's subversion and tried to run the government himself. He found himself as a result exiled to be ambassador in Paraguay, where he continued plotting, mostly with dissident fascist groups, and so was dismissed from the embassy, moving on to Argentina. His fellow plotters this time appear to have been second rank officers, three colonels and a lieutenant, and no very important civilians. 

Although the plot may not have been very serious, the removal of Selich, will lift a source of rightwing pressure from the Banzer regime, and no doubt ease his mind. More important perhaps, the president will be able to point to the attacks on him from the extremes of both left and right, and so emphasize his own position in the center, and play up the extent of his support. This would be helpful at any time, but a moment when many Bolivians are incensed that the United States planned to sell off a great part of its strategic stockpile of tin and other medals, Banzer could find himself with an unprecedented measure of support, at least until the next plot. This from Latin America. 

However, the report that Selich had fallen down some stairs was later updated in a way that may remove any advantages President Banzer may have hoped for. Chile Hoy reports that the surprising confession of the Bolivian Interior Minister that agents of the Banzer government had actually assassinated Colonel Selich let lose a political crisis in the country that could cost Hugo Banzer the presidency. There are too many Selich's or similar right-wing army officers in the Bolivian armed forces to allow this type of proceeding to pass unnoticed.

The three security agents who tortured Selich until he died, declared that, "We had never intended to kill him," and asked for God's pardon. The Interior Minister said that the three would be judged severely, but this did not calm the storm. The armed forces commander said that the action compromised the bands of government and emphasized that the Army would demand the maximum punishment for those responsible for the killing, regardless of what position they had held.

In a brief report, La Nación of Argentina noted that Colombian author, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, who just was awarded a $10,000 prize from the University of Oklahoma and the Magazine Books Abroad, has announced that he will donate his prize money back to the United States for the defense of political prisoners. That from La Nación. 

You are listening to Latin American Press Review, a weekly selection and analysis of important events and issues in Latin America. This program is produced by the Latin American Policy Alternatives Group. Comments and suggestions about the program are welcome, and may be sent to us at 2205 San Antonio Street, Austin, Texas. This program is distributed by the Communication Center University of Texas at Austin. 

This week's feature is a published interview with a member of an Argentinian guerrilla organization called The People's Revolutionary Army. Unlike last week's feature, it provides a rather critical examination of Peronism and of Argentina's new Peronist government. 

Much attention has been paid recently in the World press to the March 11th election and May 25th inauguration of Dr. Hector Campora, a Peronist, as Argentina's new president. In the first election permitted by the Argentine military since their 1966 coup, the Peronist Coalition, which claims to be based upon strong, popular support of the labor movement, won the popular support of the Argentine people. Since Campora's inauguration, his government has released more than 600 political prisoners, most of whom had been jailed for terrorist activity against the military dictatorship, and has lifted the bans on communist activity. Also, he established diplomatic relations with both Cuba and Chile, expressed some verbal solidarity with the guerrilla movement, and requested a truce between the government and then guerrillas. 

The world press has paid special note however, to activities and proclamations of a guerrilla organization, which calls itself the People's Revolutionary Army, which has stated that it will not join in the Peronist Coalition and will continue armed guerrilla warfare within Argentina. Tagged by the World press as Trotskyists, the People's Revolutionary Army claims that the tag is insufficient. They are the "Armed Organization of the Revolutionary Workers Party of Argentina", and their organization encompasses Argentine patriots and nationalists of many different political ideologies. In a rare interview with staff members of Chile Hoy prior to Campora's inauguration, the People's Revolutionary Army describe the reasons for their non-support of the new Peronist government. 

We think that this unusual interview illuminates some of the political and economic dynamics, the manifestations of which seem to be keeping Argentina on the front pages of the world newspapers. In as much as the spokesman for the guerrilla organization uses Marxist economic terminology, his usage of the following terms should be noticed. "Capitalist" is the class name given to those people who own or who control for-profit the means of production. That is the factories, the banks, the transportation facilities, often the land, et cetera. In poor and underdeveloped countries, many of the capitalists are foreigners, North Americans, and increasingly Western Europeans or Japanese, hence the term "Imperialist". 

On the other end of the economic and power scale are the working people, or as the Marxists refer to them, "the masses" or "the people", who own only their own labor power and sell this to the capitalists. These constitute, of course, the majority of a population. The "Bourgeoisie" are the capitalist, and as the term is used in this article, also those people who, while not themselves the super rich nevertheless, do have their interests sufficiently aligned with the capitalists so that they support capitalist institutions and capitalist societies. Here then is the interview:

A question? How do you characterize the Peronist Coalition and the Campora government in particular? 

We are not unaware that in the heart of Peronism there are important progressive and revolutionary popular sectors that make it explosive, but we don't feel this should fool anyone, because what predominates in Peronism and even more in the coalition is its bourgeois character. For in its leadership as in its program and its methods, the next parliamentary government of Campora will represent above all the interests of the bourgeoisie and of the capitalists. 

A question, how is this massive popular vote for the Peronist coalition to be explained then? 

For us, it reflects at the same time the repudiation of the military dictatorship, which was very unpopular and the persistence of the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie. It is necessary to remember that the masses were only able to choose from among the different bourgeois variants in the electoral arrangement that the dictatorship structured. And among the bourgeois candidates the majority of the working class opted for the Peronist coalition, which had based its campaign on a furious and productive confrontation with the military government, and on pro-guerrilla arguments. 

What then are the true purposes of the Peronists in the current government? 

Their leaders and spokesmen have explained them quite clearly. They say that they are to reconstruct the country, to pacify it by means of some social reform. This along with the maintenance of "Christian style of life", a parliamentary system, private enterprise, and a continuation of the competition of foreign capital. All of the elementary measures for a true social revolution, namely agrarian reform, the expropriation and nationalization of big capital, urban reform, a socialist revolutionary government, all of these are completely absent in the plans and projects of the coalition. The bourgeois sectors of Peronism dominate the government. 

Another question. Apparently the Peronist coalition cannot be considered a homogeneous whole, as there are different tendencies within it, some of them revolutionary and progressive, which produces contradictions within the whole. How does the People's Revolutionary Army respond to this? 

Truly, as we indicated earlier, in the heart of the Peronist front government and in the parties which compose it, they will have to be developed an intense internal struggle, led fundamentally by the revolutionary and progressive sectors within Peronism, that even as a minority must struggle consciously for a program and for truly anti-imperialist and revolutionary measures.

The People's Revolutionary Army will actively support these sectors of Peronism in their struggle, and will insist upon a coalition of the progressive and revolutionary Peronist organizations and sectors with the non-Peronist organizations, both in their work to mobilize the masses for their demands, and in the preparation for the next and inevitable stage of more and new serious confrontations between the people in the bourgeoisie.

Another question. We imagine that the Campora government will not be the ideal government envisioned by the military. Can we then disregard the possibility of a coup d'état? 

It is certain that this parliamentary government will not enjoy the complete confidence of the military, which has accepted the Campora government as the lesser evil, and as a transition to try and detain the advance of revolutionary forces. But we think that the military coup will remain latent, with coup intentions however, growing in direct proportion to the success in broadening mass mobilizations. 

In the case of a military coup, where will the People's Revolutionary Army be? 

Of course, we'll be shoulder to shoulder with progressive and revolutionary Peronism, in order to confront any attempt to reestablish the military dictatorship. 

In recent declarations, the president-elect Hector Campora, has asked the Argentine guerrilla organizations for a truce in their activities beginning May 25th in order to, "Prove whether or not we are on the path of liberation and if we are going to achieve our objectives." You have given a partial acceptance of this request. What is the basis for that decision of yours? 

The request of Dr. Campora arose as a consequence of various guerrilla actions. We understood that the request of the president-elect implied the total suspension of guerrilla activities. We believe that the Campora government represents the popular will, and respectful of that will, our organization will not attack the new government while it does not attack the people or the guerrillas. Our organization will continue, however, combating militarily, the great exploiting companies, principally the imperialist ones and the counter-revolutionary armed forces, but it will not attack directly the governmental institutions nor any member of President Campora's government.

With respect to the police that supposedly depend on executive power, although in recent years, they have acted as an axillary arm of the present army, the People's Revolutionary Army will suspend its attacks as long as the police do not collaborate with the army in the persecution of guerrillas, and in the repression of popular demonstrations.

What are the factors determining your less than total acceptance of the truce? 

We have stated them too in our reply to Campora. In 1955, the leadership of the political movement that Dr. Campora represents, advise the country to, "Not let blood be spilled, avoid civil war and wait." The military took advantage of this disorganization and disorientation of the working class and of people in general to carry out their coup and were able to overwhelm progressive organizations. The only blood that wasn't spilled was that of the oligarchs and the capitalists. The people on the other hand, witnessed the death through massacre and firing squad of dozens and dozens of the finest of their young. 

In 1968, the same leadership advised the nation to vote for Frondizi and this advice when followed prepared the way for the military takeover. In 1966 the same leadership then counseled the nation to, "Reign back until things become clear." And this action when followed, allowed freedom of action to the new military government. 

So when I reply to Dr. Campora, we specifically stated, our own Argentinian experience has shown that it is impossible to have a truce with the enemies of the nation, with its exploiters, with an oppressive army, or with exploitative capitalist enterprises. To hold back or to diminish the struggle is to permit its enemies, to reorganize and to pass over to the offensive. 

What sort of relations does the People's Revolutionary Army maintain with other armed Argentinian groups? 

Since our creation, we have made and continue to make an appeal for a unified effort of all the armed revolutionary organizations with the idea of eventually forming a solid, strong, and unified People's Army. In such an organization, they would undoubtedly be both Peronists and non-Peronists, but all would be unified by a common methodology, namely prolonged revolutionary war and a common ideal, the building of socialism in our country. We have many points of agreement on fundamental issues, so we maintain fraternal relations with all of our fellow armed groups. 

A final question. You have explained the policy to be followed after May 25th, as laid out in your reply to Campora. What will be the policy of the Revolutionary Workers Party and the People's Revolutionary Army in relation to labor union policy, legally permitted activities, the united front and so on? And how do you contemplate combining legally and non-legally permitted activities? 

Our legally permitted activities will be oriented towards the consolidation and the development of an anti-imperialist front, in common with progressive and revolutionary sectors. We will concentrate all our immediate activity in mobilizing popular opinion towards the release of all political prisoners, repeal of all repressive laws, legalization of all political organizations of the left and the press, and an increase in the real wages of the working class. In relationship to the army, we propose the development of an active educational campaign among draftees, calling upon them not to fire upon the people, nor to participate in repression, encouraging desertion of soldiers and calling upon them to join the People's Revolutionary Army. 

In relationship to the popular front, the Peronist front, we call upon all of the left, all labor, popular progressive and revolutionary organizations to close ranks, to give each other mutual support, and to present an organized common front to the political, ideological, and military offensive of the bourgeoisie, not only in its repressive form, but also in its current populous diversionary one. 

As concerns the relationship between legally and non-legally permitted operations, we wish to carefully maintain the clandestine cell structure of the People's Revolutionary Army and of the Revolutionary Workers Party, so as to assure the strict carrying out of security measures and ensure their safety. But we wish to amplify to the maximum, the legally permitted activities of the organization and that of those groups on its periphery. And through this combination of legally permitted activities and illegal ones, we will attempt to procure the greatest advantage from the potential, which the vigor of the popular support gives to our organization. 

To sum up as far as your organization is concerned, what is the watch word for the present situation? 

We'll make no truce with the oppressive army and no truth with exploitative enterprises. We will seek immediate freedom for those imprisoned while fighting for freedom. Also an end to oppressive legislation and total freedom of expression in organization. We will try to build unity among the armed revolutionary organizations who we will struggle or die for the Argentine. 

Thank you. Our feature today has been a published interview with a member of an Argentinian guerrilla organization called The People's Revolutionary Army. The interview was published in the Chilean newspaper, Chile Hoy. The People's Revolutionary Army is known as the strongest and most effective guerrilla group operating in Argentina and was able, for instance, on the mere threat of a kidnapping, to force Ford Motor Company to give $1 million to various children's hospitals in Argentina. 

You have been listening to Latin American Press Review, a weekly selection and analysis of important events and issues in Latin America, as seen by leading world newspapers with a special emphasis on the Latin American press. This program is produced by the Latin American Policies Alternatives Group. Comments and suggestions about the program are welcome, and may be sent to us at 2205 San Antonio Street, Austin, Texas. This program is distributed by Communication Center, the University of Texas at Austin.